Native people and the Dutch had very different views of land. Initially, Dutch traders had little interest in Native land. This would change once the Dutch West India Company was created in 1621. To keep the fur trade away from other European competitors, they brought more Dutch people to New York. As Dutch populations grew, so did their desire for Native land. In the early years of Native and Dutch trade, Native people exchanged land as a way of allowing the Dutch to use the land while Native people continued to live on it. Show
Exchange and MisunderstandingsVIEW PARAPHRASED VERSION To Europeans, land was a commodity, an item which could be bought and sold and assigned to an individual owner. Native Americans, did not appreciate the notion of land as a commodity, especially not in terms of individual ownership. As a result, Indian groups would sell land, but in their minds had only sold the rights to use the lands. It seems, in fact, that when they sold land to the Dutch they did not give up their right to occupy it either. The famous purchase of Manhattan Island for sixty guilders loses some of its impact as a great real estate deal when one considers that the Indians probably never intended to give it up, but rather to “lease” it for Dutch use while they continued to occupy it… Previously published in De Halve Maen 72, no. 4 (Winter 1999): 75–83, reprinted in Margriet Lacy, ed., A Beautiful and Fruitful Place: Selected Rensselaerswijck Papers, vol. 3 (Albany: New Netherland Institute, 2013): 41–48 The Purchase of ManhattanIn 1626 Indians did everything by trade, and they did not believe that land could be privately owned, any more than could water, air, or sunlight. But they did believe in giving gifts for favors done. The Lenape—one of the tribes that lived on the island now known as Manhattan—interpreted the trade of goods as gifts given in appreciation for the right to share the land. National Museum of the American Indian, Do All Indians Live in Tipis? (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2018), 78–79 This is a preview. Log in through your library. Journal Information The American Historical Review (AHR) is the official publication of the American Historical Association (AHA). The AHA was founded in 1884 and chartered by Congress in 1889 to serve the interests of the entire discipline of history. Aligning with the AHA’s mission, the AHR has been the journal of record for the historical profession in the United States since 1895—the only journal that brings together scholarship from every major field of historical study. The AHR is unparalleled in its efforts to choose articles that are new in content and interpretation and that make a contribution to historical knowledge. The journal also publishes approximately one thousand book reviews per year, surveying and reporting the most important contemporary historical scholarship in the discipline. Publisher Information Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. OUP is the world's largest university press with the widest global presence. It currently publishes more than 6,000 new publications a year, has offices in around fifty countries, and employs more than 5,500 people worldwide. It has become familiar to millions through a diverse publishing program that includes scholarly works in all academic disciplines, bibles, music, school and college textbooks, business books, dictionaries and reference books, and academic journals. Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. journal article AFRICAN TRADITIONAL AND EUROPEAN COLONIAL BOUNDARIES: CONCEPTS AND FUNCTIONS IN INTER-GROUP RELATIONS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SOUTH WESTERN CAMEROONJournal of the Historical Society of Nigeria Vol. 12, No. 3/4 (DEC. 1984–JUNE 1985) , pp. 23-43 (21 pages) Published By: Historical Society of Nigeria https://www.jstor.org/stable/44715367 This is a preview. Log in through your library. Journal Information The Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) has published since 1956 articles and book reviews on a variety of issues of interest to Africa and on Africa. Publisher Information The Historical Society of Nigeria was established in 1955 at the University College Ibadan to promote an enduring sense of history and historical consciousness amongst the citizenry. The founding fathers include distinguished Scholars like Kenneth O. Dike and Abdullahi Smith. It aims to vigorously promote, support, strengthen and uphold the study of Nigerian History and historical scholarship. It also provides support to individuals, institutions, government and non-governmental organizations that will enhance the study of the country's history. Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. How did West African conceptions of land ownership differ from Europeans?How did West African conceptions of land ownership differ from European ones? Africans believed in having more than one person having ownership over land, they were more family oriented and believed individuals shouldn't own land.
How did the status of European serfs differ from the status of European slaves?For example, European serfs were bound to work for the lord of a manor, but in return the lord provided protection and land that serfs could farm for their own subsistence. While serfs did not own the land they worked, they could not be sold away from it like chattel slaves.
What role did land ownership hold in West African culture?What role did landownership hold in West African culture? Land did not belong to individuals as private property. Land only belonged to the extended kings that derived from an ancient ancestor. The king however could assign favorites with land however they were not capable of selling.
What characteristics distinguish most West African marriages?Most West African marriages were distinguished by what characteristics? They were almost universally polygamous.
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How did west african conceptions of land ownership differ from european ones?
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