When there is premature identity formation without questioning or analysis this is referred to as?

Identity development is discussed within the context of Erik Erikson's developmental theory as the resolution of the psychosocial stage accompanying adolescence. Childhood precursors to identity within Erikson's theory, object relations theory, and classical analytic theory are described. The four identity statuses, a basis for much of the research on identity, are outlined, their criteria defined, and some of their empirically determined characteristics noted. The process by which identity might undergo successive transformations in adulthood is discussed from a Piagetian perspective. Some criticisms of Erikson's approach and of the identity statuses are noted. Finally, suggestions for future research are offered.

Development of gender identity and sexual orientation during adolescence

Identity development is an important milestone of adolescence. While identity can be characterized as one’s broader personality traits and values, it is a continuous, interactive relationship-based process that undergoes vast transformation during the period of adolescence (Huffaker & Calvert, 2005). As part of this identity formation, adolescents also undergo a period of sexual development and identity building (Rosario, Schrimshaw, & Hunter, 2008). With the maturation of sexual organs during adolescence, adolescents are increasingly expected by society to assume a gender identity and sexual orientation toward others (Grotevant, 1998).c This process is incongruent and fluid and differs across adolescents: while some adolescents may have been clear about their gender identity and sexual orientation since childhood, some may establish these during adolescence, while others may transition out of adolescence questioning their gender identity and sexual orientation (IOM, 2011). Regardless of how or when this sexual identity develops during adolescence, this sexual orientation process may continue to change over time (Saewyc et al., 2004).

Not surprisingly, the process of sexual identity development differs by adolescent background and context, including technological context. For instance, some research suggests that the process may differ across ethnicities, as adolescents navigate both ethnic and sexual orientation identity development (Rosario, Schrimshaw, & Hunter, 2004; Jamil, Harper, & Fernandez, 2009). As well, sexual identity development may be a particularly challenging process for adolescents who identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender due to societal stigma and discrimination. Some research suggests that digital technology is increasingly being used as a way to explore sexual identity development and learning during adolescence, across a spectrum of adolescents who identify across a range of sexual orientation. In contrast to socially prescribed norms in the physical world, the digital space may provide a more safe, supportive, and creative space for adolescents to express and explore their sexual identity without facing social stigma and repercussions (Huffaker & Calvert, 2005).

Latinos

The literature on ethnic identity development among Latino adolescents has not explored the implications of the heterogeneity that exists within this population. Thus, future research should consider the implications of national heritage and subsequent links to minority status: specifically, potential differences between immigrants and involuntary minorities resulting from a history of slavery, conquest, or colonization. Many Latinos, given the pervasive implications of African slavery, can claim both a Latin and African heritage; this intersection between ethnicity and race is unique to this population and deserves more attention in the literature. The manner in which individuals identify themselves as well as the value and salience placed on that identity has implications for a variety of developmental outcomes. Therefore, subsequent research should address these concerns and their consequences for this population.

Abstract

The evolving study of identity development has become increasingly attentive to the ways that young people think about their socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities. The status-based identity framework provides one way to analyze the implications of these dynamic identities, particularly as people approach young adulthood. For students from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds, the experience of socioeconomic mobility can accompany an aversive sense of uncertainty about their own SES, termed status uncertainty, with potential negative implications for their academic behaviors and outcomes. A longitudinal study and experiment demonstrate some of these consequences and suggest how intersections between socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities may be associated with well-being. This perspective on the dynamic identities of young people calls for consistent attention to the various levels of context that can be leveraged to support positive development, effective goal pursuit, and desired life trajectories.

10.08.4.3.2 Ethnic identity development

Given the centrality of identity development concerns during adolescence, ethnic identity is of great importance during this developmental stage (Phinney, 1990a). Whereas the primary question for young children regarding ethnic identity relates to the accuracy of self-definition, during adolescence the major issues relate to the labels one chooses to use to define oneself, the degree to which one examines one's ethnic identity, and the degree and nature of group identification (Phinney, 1990a). In terms of labels, do adolescents whose parents migrated from Cuba refer to themselves as Cuban, Cuban-American, Hispanic, or Latino? Do adolescents whose parents grew up in Poland and moved to the US prior to their birth refer to themselves as Polish-American or simply American? Such decisions are complex for an adolescent, particularly if the parents are of different heritages, as parental heritage may not be consistent with the adolescent's ethnic self-identification (Phinney, 1990a). Further, each ethnic label has a different connotation regarding the adolescent's ethnic identity and group identification.

Research reveals that adolescents with a well-defined ethnic identity manifest more positive psychological adjustment than their counterparts with limited ethnic self-identification. In a group of African-American, Asian-American, and Mexican-American high school students, those who revealed more mature stages of ethnic identity during an interview had higher self-esteem, a greater sense of mastery, and more positive relationships than their peers who endorsed lower levels of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1989).

The degree and nature of group identification can often be inferred from the degree to which individual adolescents manifest positive vs. negative attitudes toward their ethnic group, and their involvement in the social activities and cultural practices of their ethnic group. The adolescent's involvement in such activities is evident via language choice, friends' ethnic background, religious practices, and participation in structured ethnic social groups (Phinney, 1990a). It is interesting to note that there are sex differences in adolescents' ethnic group identification; research suggests that females are more involved with their ethnic heritage and manifest more mature levels of ethnic identity than males (Phinney, 1990a; Plummer, 1995).

One important aspect of personal and ethnic identity is the expression of gender role, which is influenced by cultural factors. For Latino males, becoming a man often involves learning to physically fight, and taking a dominant role with females. These behaviors could be considered chauvinistic and threatening to those from a Euro-American culture that takes a more egalitarian view regarding gender differences. Traditional Chicano ways by a Mexican-American adolescent male toward a White girl could be interpreted as rude or discriminatory and result in a very negative social interaction, despite the fact that the behaviors reflect cultural differences in communication between the sexes.

From acting cool to acting dumb

Linked to the process of identity development, student's behaviors and practices in classroom settings are important factors to consider when exploring academic achievement. Tinklin (2003) notes that key factors that help to explain gender differences in attainment is that girls take school more seriously than boys. This finding is related to previous research that suggests: “[w]hile academic success was valued by girls, doing too well at school could disadvantage some boys among their peers” (p. 321). As a result, poor classroom behavior could be seen as a way of compensating for losing popularity or being at risk of negative labels associated with strong academic performance. This opens doors for debate regarding the correlation of classroom behavior and the decline of male academic performance.

Moreover, Martino's (2000) research on adolescent boys in a Catholic coeducational school in Australia affirms that boys develop versions of masculinity for themselves through specific social practices such as mucking around in class, giving crap, and acting cool. In turn, these practices themselves establish norms for fashioning a desirable heterosexual cool masculinity reinforced by a system of verbal abuse and put-downs which establishes a hierarchy of masculinities (Frank, 1987). Martino (1999) also found that the cool boys act dumb to establish a hegemonic form of masculinity through which they can demonstrate their opposition to the values embodied in the aims of formal education. Osborne (1999) further elaborates and reflects upon these notions of being cool as opposition to academic achievement from a psychological aspect. He refers to the adoption of a cool pose in opposition to the stigmas attached to good academic performance as central matter that explains black/African-American male disengagement with school.

Career Indecision

Career choice in adolescence depends on the timing of identity development. Vocational choices are a challenge for students lagging behind in their identity development because their self-concept is not elaborated and they have diffuse personal values and professional goals. This challenge is accentuated in educational systems where adolescents have to choose professions early (e.g., in countries with a well established dual apprenticeship system). Research shows strong correlations between professional identity problems and career indecision in late adolescence. Female students with low professional self-efficacy beliefs and with low exploration are especially at risk with regard to career indecision. Students with insufficient social resources or with high stress (critical life-events, high school pressure, little parental support, overprotective parents) are at risk for developing professional identity problems and career indecision. Career-undecided adolescents are academically and professionally less engaged, have unclear and unrealistic professional goals, and need to change them to more realistic ones (cooling down effect). They tend to start their professional training at a later point. They perceive a lower fit between their interests or competences and their profession, have a lower self-esteem and are less happy in their profession. They are less confident to have chosen the appropriate profession and think about moving to a new professional area.

Marcia’s Four Identity Statuses

In 1966, Marcia published his first article on identity development. He classified people’s identity formation into one of four categories based on whether a person had gone through a crisis and whether the person had made a commitment in an important area of life. One of these important areas of life concerns religious issues. The four identity statuses are achieved, moratorium, foreclosed, and diffused.

I prefer the term questioning rather than crisis, because many people question their religious/spiritual beliefs, but do not have to go through a major crisis similar to Luther’s fit in the choir. However, I use the term crisis because this is the term used in the literature.

The achieved and foreclosed statuses have made a commitment. The difference is that achieved people have gone through a crisis, or time of questioning their faith or spirituality. Foreclosed people, however, have strong beliefs and have made a commitment, but they have not gone through a crisis. That is, they just go along with whatever faith they were raised with and do not question that faith. Research does support that religiously committed people are more likely to be of the identity achievement and foreclosure statuses, compared to the less religiously inclined (Markstrom-Adams, Hofstra, & Dougher, 1994; Hunsberger, Pratt, & Pancer, 2001; Tzuriel, 1984).

Fulton (1997) found identity achievement (crisis and commitment) people are more likely to have an intrinsic religious orientation. That is, their practices of their faith are based on internal reasons and they are genuinely committed to their faith (Allport, 1950). Whereas foreclosed identities (no crisis, but makes a commitment) are more likely to exhibit an extrinsic religious orientation. That is, extrinsically motivated people are more motivated by external reasons, such as appearing to be a good person; going to church or the temple is what they should do. With Mormon and Jewish participants, identity diffusion (no crisis and no commitment) are also more likely to be associated with an extrinsic religious orientation (Markstrom-Adams & Smith, 1996).

The moratorium identity status (crisis but no commitment) is frequently considered to be the status of many adolescents and young adults in various areas of life. For example, it is common for college students not to have made a commitment to a career; yet they are questioning or struggling, as apparent by the number of times that they change their majors. Research does support that people with moratorium identities (crisis, but no commitment) are more religiously doubting or questioning (Hunsberger, Pratt, and Pancer, 2001).

When religious people are in a crisis, or a time of doubting, do they seek people and literature that would support their beliefs (belief-confirming consultation), or do they seek a balance and seek friends with no religious preference or even literature that is against their beliefs (belief-threatening consultation)? People who scored higher on identity achievement (crisis and commitment) tend to seek out belief-confirming and belief-threatening consultations (Hunsberger, Pratt, & Pancer, 2001). The identity foreclosed group (no crisis, but commitment) significantly sought less threatening consultation. They did not want to hear information that challenged their beliefs. The diffused group (no crisis and no commitment) did not seek out consultation.

Marcia’s nomenclature of the four identity categories is promising for future research. Even though identity achievement and identity foreclosed have strong beliefs, their cognitive rationales for their faith are substantially different. The identity achievement, after going through a time of questioning and crisis, has affirmed their beliefs. Whereas the identity foreclosed, also testifying to strong commitment, have never questioned their religion. It will be exciting to see what develops from future research.

10.06.6 Contemporary Models for Rethinking the Relationship Between Race and Ethnicity

Current trends to reformulate racial formation or ethnogenesis should not ignore the conceptual and empirical information gleaned from earlier research. However, current trends necessitate that we move beyond bipolar conceptualizations of race, reexamine assumptions about racial identity formation, and differentiate race and ethnicity. Contextual spheres of influence from large macrodimensions of geographic region to microdimensions of family interaction and personality must be considered in identity formation.

10.06.6.1 Ecological Model of Race and Ethnicity

Figure 1 represents an ecological identity model of influences on identity development. It evolved out of observing the identity process and differential outcomes for persons of multiracial ancestry, often of multiethnic background, in both clinical and nonclinical settings. The model can accommodate several different outcomes of identity for both mono-racially and multiracially identified people from very fragile identities to well-grounded and stable identities. It also accomodates some previous work which states that identity is indeed dynamic and can change over a lifetime due to changing contexts and developmental issues over the lifespan (Root, 1990, in press). However, unlike the stage models which may reflect an underlying linear process, this change of identity does not necessarily invoke a linear movement. Social identities are informed by the interaction of micro and macro influences on identity. This model breaks away from the longstanding constraints of bipolar racial frameworks and assumed rules of hypodescent. In line with the symbolic interactionist theories and models, this one proposes reflexive interaction between variables.

Figure 1. Ecological identity model; all boxes are interactive.

In the proposed model, all boxes are lenses and are present to some degree. The drawing serves as a conceptual organizing tool with which to consider influences in identity. The lenses recognize individual factors, familial factors, community influences—both imagined and factual such as historical influence and experience that transcends generations. Through these lenses, the inherited influences, traits, and social interactions with community determine identity development. The inherited influences include biological and environmental inheritance. Biological inheritance, such as sexual orientation and phenotype, significantly influence life. The other inherited influential lenses are environmental: languages spoken at home; parent's identification ethnically, racially, and nationally; nativity; presence and socialization influence of extended family; given names and nicknames; and home values. All of these variables have been documented in different literatures as having influence on identity. All the environmental influences provide cultural markers to a lesser or greater degree of distinctiveness. The lenses with inherited influences interact with one another.

These inherited influences interact with traits: temperament, social skills, talents, and coping skills. These influences may have both elements of nature and nurture. The traits are some of those aspects of the individual that together are often summarized as personality. The traits are differentiated from inherited influences through what the individual has control over. This model assumes the individual has little control over their inherited influences, whether they be biological or environmental. In contrast, the traits, are deemed to be majorly subject to social influence and learning, even when there may be different degrees of natural talents, coping, sociability and its skills, and even temperament.

These interactions takes place in contexts. Such interpersonal contexts allow for the communications about rules of belonging whether it be to the outgroup or ingroup. Reflections of who we are outside of our families serves as frame for further reconciling the private and public experience of identity. For most of us, five social contexts encapsulate most of our social interactions: home; school and/or work; community groups; friendships, and communities in which we are strangers. This last social context is important because it may challenge an individual's construction of self when community environments differ from one another or a person's identity is in some way ambiguous. In the case of phenotypically ambiguous people, whether or not they are multiracially or multiethnically identified, a community to which they are a stranger may provide them with feedback that affects how they experience themselves in relationship to others—and it may be different to what they are used to. The most dramatic stories emerge from recent biographical stories of persons raised white who change living situation or state and then, though phenotypically white, must assume the life of a black person (Williams, 1995).

Lastly, the summation of this interactive life experience filtered through the interaction of the different lenses posed by inherited influences, traits, and social contexts helps us understand identity—both ethnic and racial identity in the context of history and gender. These identities, in turn, provide a lens through which life is experienced. As one moves through milestones in one's life course, racial and ethnic identity can influence what is passed on as inherited influences to the next generation.

This model suggests that the sociohistorical construction of gender and race are lenses through which most of our life experiences are filtered. However, the construction and connotations of race and gender are also informed by geographical regional context and the historical generational cohort. These additional filters allow us to understand how race and gender have been constructed through paradigms of domination and submission (Lerner, 1986; Stoler, 1995; Zack, 1997b). Patriarchal and imperialistically driven cultures construct racial and ethnic hierarchies with imperialist or the colonial schemes (Friere, 1970; Stoler, 1995; Young, 1995). Therefore, in this model gender and ultimately racial identity are viewed as lenses that are layered upon one another. These two lenses interact dynamically, exchanging salience in relationship to one another as foreground or background filters. This conceptual relationship also explains why some persons assert that gender is the primary organizing factor in life experience, whereas others assert that race is the primary organizing factor in life. However, at all times there is an interaction as described above that makes it certain that the social address of men and women differ when we filter their location through the lenses of gender and race.

Other secondary statuses are significant dimensions or lenses through which life is experienced, for example, class and sexual orientation. Both of these locations may be accompanied by denigrating and oppressive or affirming reflections of self. Again, psychological defenses and coping skills are necessary to be able to incorporate these aspects of experience, and ultimately identity into the larger concept of self.

Likewise, racial and ethnic experience in this country, by region, yield different experiences between two individuals despite the similarity of a host of other life variables. For example, the rates of intermarriage between whites and blacks is very different in the south compared to the west. The histories of these regions are also very different. The prominence of lynchings of black men who dared to interact or even look at white women is well documented in the south, particularly prior to this century. Through the lens of race, the socially constructed groups in the USA are Asian and Pacific Islander American, American Indian, African-American, and white. Whereas persons of Hispanic origin may be any race, this country's history of race relations has constituted this category as a race based on attitudes (Root, 1996b). There will be points at which the experiences of each of these groups will overlap. However, if the gender lens is more prominent, an African-American woman may share more in common in a given context with a Chicana than with an African-American man. For example, the threat to one's body through sexual violence is an experience shared by women and much less so by men. The lense of historical race relations suggest that women of color have been less protected by the legal system in matters of violations of their body, whether it be child abuse, domestic violence, or rape.

This model can accommodate the process described in racial identity development models described earlier in this chapter. However, it does not predict or require that an individual will go through the first stage of negative feelings about their minority racial or ethnic group; it can accomodate such a process, though. This is important because in contemporary times, perhaps due to some of the benefits of the civil right movement, many young people do not feel badly about their ethnic or racial reference group which society ascribes to them.

The ecological identity model also accommodates typology models. It evolved from an earlier work (Root, 1990) in which types of identity were proposed for multiracial people. The process by which people might get to those identities is subsumed in this model. Thus, it is possible to change identity over time, and sometimes this move is simply precipitated by a geographic move, such as from mainland USA to Hawaii where a multiracial and multiethnic identity is the norm. It also provides an increased number of variables with explanatory power for differences in identity absent in other racial identity models.

VARIATIONS AMONG WOMEN

There has been less systematic investigation and analysis of the process of lesbian identity development. Some parallels are clear; many women experience a linear and orderly progression from feelings of marginality to feelings of self-acceptance and pride in a new minority identity.63,65,96 It has become clear that there are other, more idiosyncratic pathways and wide variability in the timing, sequence, and outcome of developmental stages among these women.97,98 A historical analysis suggested that the typical age at which women became aware of their homosexuality, disclosed it, and initiated sexual involvement has decreased incrementally since the 1970s98 and emphasizes wide geographic, socioeconomic, and individual variability. Some women appear to recognize their homosexual attractions and identity much later than others, as late as their 30s.97 Inconsistencies among women's prior and current behavior, ideation, and attractions have been documented extensively.99–101 The development of bisexuality appears to take an even more variable course.102,103 Race and ethnicity also affect the timing and process of disclosure of a lesbian identity.81,104

Furthermore, neither feelings of “differentness” nor childhood gender atypicality are correlated as strongly with homosexual orientations among women as they are among men. For example, one study revealed that only 60% of adult lesbians reported any childhood indicators of homosexuality, and even among those who did, there was considerable variation in their experience.97 Women may experience their first same-sex attractions and begin questioning their sexual identities at later ages than men do. Whereas a substantial proportion of young gay men report experiencing same-sex attractions, engaging in same-sex activity, and identifying themselves as gay before graduating from high school, many women do not consider the possibility of a same-sex relationship until entering college or later.97 Some women first experience a same-sex relationship before any questioning of their heterosexual orientation, and the progression from entering a same-sex relationship, self-identifying as lesbian, and “coming out” may take place in a far shorter time period than has been described for gay men.105

In association with this later development of a stable sexual orientation, higher rates of prior heterosexual activity are reported by adult lesbians than by homosexual men. Nearly 40% of participants in one study reported having undergone changes in their sexual attractions over time that they did not attribute to changes in awareness.97 It is important to recognize that both men and women experience this process of sexual identity development in idiosyncratic ways96 and that cultural and religious affiliations affect individual challenges in many ways.106