"In the nineteenth century, the emergent [middle] class found ways to distinguish itself culturally from working-class immigrants, Afro-Americans, and the idle rich. The bourgeois world view counterposed such values as sobriety and domesticity against the dissipation and promiscuity of those higher and lower in social rank. By the early twentieth century however, these groups—by virtue of their very 'otherness'—offered sensuality, colorful adventure, and expressiveness to segments of the urban middle class. While some New Yorkers looked on with disapproval, others found working women who 'put on style' an amusing, fashionable, and admirable part of the cultural landscape. What had been seen as rowdy girls' deviant behavior in the mid-nineteenth century was evaluated more ambiguously by the early 1900s." Show
— Kathy Peiss, historian, Cheap Amusements, 1986 The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical patterns associated with late-nineteenth-century American cities? "In the nineteenth century, the emergent [middle] class found ways to distinguish itself culturally from working-class immigrants, Afro-Americans, and the idle rich. The bourgeois world view counterposed such values as sobriety and domesticity against the dissipation and promiscuity of those higher and lower in social rank. By the early twentieth century however, these groups—by virtue of their very 'otherness'—offered sensuality, colorful adventure, and expressiveness to segments of the urban middle class. While some New Yorkers looked on with disapproval, others found working women who 'put on style' an amusing, fashionable, and admirable part of the cultural landscape. What had been seen as rowdy girls' deviant behavior in the mid-nineteenth century was evaluated more ambiguously by the early 1900s." — Kathy Peiss, historian, Cheap Amusements, 1986 Which of the following types of evidence would most directly support the argument Peiss makes in the excerpt? "In the nineteenth century, the emergent [middle] class found ways to distinguish itself culturally from working-class immigrants, Afro-Americans, and the idle rich. The bourgeois world view counterposed such values as sobriety and domesticity against the dissipation and promiscuity of those higher and lower in social rank. By the early twentieth century however, these groups—by virtue of their very 'otherness'—offered sensuality, colorful adventure, and expressiveness to segments of the urban middle class. While some New Yorkers looked on with disapproval, others found working women who 'put on style' an amusing, fashionable, and admirable part of the cultural landscape. What had been seen as rowdy girls' deviant behavior in the mid-nineteenth century was evaluated more ambiguously by the early 1900s." — Kathy Peiss, historian, Cheap Amusements, 1986 The development described in the excerpt most strongly suggests which of the following about that time? "In the nineteenth century, the emergent [middle] class found ways to distinguish itself culturally from working-class immigrants, Afro-Americans, and the idle rich. The bourgeois world view counterposed such values as sobriety and domesticity against the dissipation and promiscuity of those higher and lower in social rank. By the early twentieth century however, these groups—by virtue of their very 'otherness'—offered sensuality, colorful adventure, and expressiveness to segments of the urban middle class. While some New Yorkers looked on with disapproval, others found working women who 'put on style' an amusing, fashionable, and admirable part of the cultural landscape. What had been seen as rowdy girls' deviant behavior in the mid-nineteenth century was evaluated more ambiguously by the early 1900s." — Kathy Peiss, historian, Cheap Amusements, 1986 Which of the following types of evidence would most directly support the argument Peiss makes in the excerpt? "In the nineteenth century, the emergent [middle] class found ways to distinguish itself culturally from working-class immigrants, Afro-Americans, and the idle rich. The bourgeois world view counterposed such values as sobriety and domesticity against the dissipation and promiscuity of those higher and lower in social rank. By the early twentieth century however, these groups—by virtue of their very 'otherness'—offered sensuality, colorful adventure, and expressiveness to segments of the urban middle class. While some New Yorkers looked on with disapproval, others found working women who 'put on style' an amusing, fashionable, and admirable part of the cultural landscape. What had been seen as rowdy girls' deviant behavior in the mid-nineteenth century was evaluated more ambiguously by the early 1900s." — Kathy Peiss, historian, Cheap Amusements, 1986 The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical patterns associated with late-nineteenth-century American cities? Which of the following describes the urban political machines of the late nineteenth century quizlet?Which of the following describes the urban political machines of the late nineteenth century? D. Machines acted as social service agencies, providing assistance in times of trouble.
What was the function of political machines in late nineteenth century cities quizlet?Political machines would control cities completely by rigging elections, buying votes, and then after winning all the elections they would do whatever they wanted and give jobs to supporters.
Which invention transformed urban and suburban communications in the United States after 1876?The telephone, patented in 1876, greatly transformed communication both regionally and nationally.
Who was Joseph Pulitzer and what made him significant quizlet?Who was Joseph Pulitzer and what made him significant? A St. Louis newspaper publisher who built his sales base with sensational investigations.
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Which of the following describes the emerging profession of social work at the turn of the nineteenth century quizlet?
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