Which of the following was a reason that the Swahili peoples became brokers for trade linking the Arabian Peninsula the Persian Gulf and the western coast of India quizlet?

More intense crosscultural communications. Maritime trade built on the political stability, economic expansion, and demographic growth of the postclassical era. By the fourteenth century, mariners called at ports throughout the Indian Ocean basin from southeast Asia to India, Cey- lon, Arabia, and east Africa, while sea-lanes through the South China Sea offered access to ports in the islands of southeast Asia, China, Japan, and Korea. Commercial goods traveled over the Indian Ocean in larger quantities than ever before. From the eleventh century forward, cargoes increasingly consisted of bulky com- modities such as timber, coral, steel, building materials, grains, dates, and other foodstuffs. This trade in bulk goods indicated a movement toward economic integration as societies of the Indian Ocean basin concentrated increasingly on cultivating crops or producing goods for ex- port while importing foods or goods that they could not produce very well themselves.

Not only because of warfare arising from the conquests of nomadic peoples but also because of epidemic bubonic plague and global climatic changes that brought cooler temperatures. In building their transregional empires, nomadic peoples sometimes devastated the lands that they conquered, throwing societies and economies into turmoil. While facilitating trade and travel, nomadic empires also made it possible for diseases to spread rapidly over long distances, and during the fourteenth century, epidemic bubonic plague became a hemispheric phenomenon. Meanwhile, cooler weather resulted in lower agricultural yields in many lands, and in some far northern lands, it made agriculture impractical. Together with military destruction and pandemic plague, reduced agricultural production led to political, social, and economic problems throughout much of the eastern hemisphere.

Boucher was by no means the only European living at the Mongol court. His wife was a woman of French ancestry whom Boucher had met and married in Hungary. The Flemish missionary William of Rubruck visited Karakorum in 1254, and during his sojourn there he encountered a Frenchwoman named Paquette who was an attendant to a Mongol princess, an artisan from Russia (Paquette's husband), an unnamed nephew of a French bishop, a Greek soldier, and an Englishman named Basil. Other European visitors to the Mongol court found Germans, Slavs, and Hungarians as well as Chinese, Koreans, Turks, Persians, and Ar- menians, among others. Many thirteenth-century roads led to Karakorum.

Between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries, nomadic peoples became more prominent than ever before in Eurasian affairs. Turkish peoples migrated to Persia, Anatolia, and India, where they overcame existing authorities and established new states. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Mongols established themselves as the most powerful people of the central Asian steppes and then turned on settled societies in China, Persia, Russia, and east- ern Europe. By the early fourteenth century, the Mongols had built the largest empire the world has ever seen, stretching from Korea and China in the east to Russia and Hungary in the west.

Turkish peoples entered Persia, Anatolia, and India at different times and for different purposes. They approached Abbasid Persia much as Germanic peoples had earlier approached the Roman empire. From about the mid-eighth to the mid-tenth century, Turkish peoples lived mostly on the borders of the Abbasid realm, which offered abun- dant opportunities for trade. By the mid- to late tenth century, large numbers of Saljuq Turks served in Abbasid armies and lived in the Abbasid realm itself. By the mid- eleventh century the Saljuqs overshadowed the Abbasid caliphs. Indeed, in 1055 the caliph recognized the Saljuq leader Tughril Beg as sultan ("chieftain" or "ruler"). Tughril first consolidated his hold on the Abbasid capital at Baghdad, then he and his successors extended Turkish rule to Syria, Palestine, and other parts of the realm. For the last two centuries of the Abbasid state, the caliphs served as figureheads of author- ity, whereas actual governance lay in the hands of the Turkish sultans.

Outstanding equestrian skills (like earlier armies). Mongols grew up riding horses, and they honed their skills by hunting and playing competitive games on horseback. Their bows, short enough for archers to use while riding, were also stiff, firing arrows that could fell enemies at 200 meters (656 feet).

Mongol horsemen were among the most mobile forces of the premodern world, sometimes traveling more than 100 kilometers (62 miles) per day to surprise an enemy. Furthermore, the Mongols understood the psychological dimensions of warfare and used them to their advantage. If enemies surrendered without resistance, the Mongols usually spared their lives, and they provided generous treatment for artisans, crafts workers, and those with military skills. In the event of resistance, however, the Mongols ruthlessly slaughtered whole populations, sparing only a few, whom they sometimes
drove before their armies as human shields during future conflicts.

While the Golden Horde established its authority in Russia, Khubilai's brother
Hülegü toppled the Abbasid empire and established the Mongol ilkhanate in Persia.
In 1258 he captured the Abbasid capital of Baghdad after a brief siege. His troops
looted the city, executed the caliph, and massacred more than two hundred thousand
residents by Hülegü's estimate. From Persia, Hülegü's army ventured into Syria, but

Muslim forces from Egypt soon expelled them and placed a limit on Mongol expan-
sion to the southwest.

When the Mongols crushed ruling regimes in large settled societies, particularly in
China and Persia, they discovered that they needed to become governors as well as
conquerors. The Mongols had no experience administering complex societies, where

successful governance required talents beyond the equestrian and military skills es-
teemed on the steppes. They had a difficult time adjusting to their role as administra-
tors. Indeed, they never became entirely comfortable in the role, and most of their

conquests fell out of their hands within a century.

In China, in contrast, the Mongol overlords stood aloof from their subjects, whom
they scorned as mere cultivators. They outlawed intermarriage between Mongols and

Chinese and forbade the Chinese to learn the Mongol language. Soon after their con-
quest some of the victors went so far as to suggest that the Mongols exterminate the

Chinese people and convert China itself into pastureland for their horses. Cooler heads
eventually prevailed, and the Mongols decided simply to extract as much revenue as
possible from their Chinese subjects. In doing so, however, they did not make as much
use of native administrative talent as did their counterparts in Persia. Instead, they
brought foreign administrators into China and put them in charge. Along with their
nomadic allies, the Mongols' administrative staff included Arabs, Persians, and perhaps
even Europeans: Marco Polo may have served as an administrator in the city of
Yangzhou during the reign of Khubilai Khan.

The Mongols also resisted assimilation to Chinese cultural traditions. They ended
the privileges enjoyed by the Confucian scholars, and they dismantled the Confucian
educational and examination system, which had produced untold generations of civil
servants for the Chinese bureaucracy. They did not persecute Confucians, but they allowed the Confucian tradition to wither in the absence of official support. Mean-
while, to remain on good terms with subjects of different faiths, the Mongols al-
lowed the construction of churches, temples, and shrines, and they even subsidized

some religious establishments. They tolerated all cultural and religious traditions in
China, including Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and Christianity. Of Khubilai
Khan's four wives, his favorite was Chabi, a Nestorian Christian.

Like trade, diplomatic communication was essential to the Mongols, and their pro-
tection of roads and travelers benefited ambassadors as well as merchants. Chinggis

Khan destroyed the Khwarazm shah in Persia because the shah unwisely murdered the

Mongol envoys Chinggis Khan dispatched in hopes of opening diplomatic and com-
mercial relations. Throughout the Mongol era the great khans in China, the ilkhans in

Persia, and the other khans maintained close communications by means of diplomatic
embassies. They also had diplomatic dealings with rulers in Korea, Vietnam, India,
western Europe, and other lands as well. Some diplomatic travelers crossed the entire
Eurasian landmass. Several European ambassadors traveled to Mongolia and China to
deliver messages from authorities seeking to ally with the Mongols against Muslim
states in southwest Asia. Diplomats also traveled west: Rabban Sauma, a Nestorian Christian monk born in Khanbaliq, visited Italy and France as a representative of the
Persian ilkhan.

Conquered peoples also supplied the Mongols with talent. When they overcame a
city, Mongol forces routinely surveyed the captured population, separated out those
with specialized skills, and sent them to the capital at Karakorum or some other place
where there was demand for their services. From the ranks of conquered peoples came
soldiers, bodyguards, administrators, secretaries, translators, physicians, armor makers,
metalsmiths, miners, carpenters, masons, textile workers, musicians, and jewelers. After
the 1230s the Mongols often took censuses of lands they conquered, partly to levy
taxes and conscript military forces and partly to locate talented individuals. The Parisian

goldsmith Guillaume Boucher was only one among thousands of foreign-born individ-
uals who became permanent residents of the Mongol capital at Karakorum because of

their special talents. Like their protection of trade and diplomacy, the Mongols' policy
of resettling allies and conquered peoples promoted Eurasian integration by increasing
communication and exchange between peoples of different societies.

The campaign culminated in 1453 when Sultan Mehmed II, known as Mehmed
the Conqueror, captured the Byzantine capital of Constantinople. After subjecting it
to a sack, he made the city his own capital under the Turkish name of Istanbul. With

Istanbul as a base, the Ottomans quickly absorbed the remainder of the Byzantine em-
pire. By 1480 they controlled all of Greece and the Balkan region. They continued to

expand throughout most of the sixteenth century as well, extending their rule to south-
west Asia, southeastern Europe, Egypt, and north Africa. Once again, then, a nomadic

people asserted control over a long-settled society and quickly built a vast empire.

During the half millennium from 1000 to 1500 C.E., nomadic peoples of central Asia played a larger role than ever before in world history. As early as the second millen- nium B.C.E., they had periodically threatened states from China to the eastern Medi- terranean region, and from classical times they had traded regularly and actively with peoples of settled societies. From 1000 to 1500 their relations with neighboring peoples changed, as they dominated affairs in most of Eurasia through their conquests and their construction of vast transregional empires. Turkish peoples built the most durable of the nomadic empires, but the spectacular conquests of the Mongols most clearly demonstrated the potential of nomadic peoples to project their formidable military power to settled agricultural societies. By establishing connections that spanned the Eurasian land- mass, the nomadic empires laid the foundation for increasing communication, exchange, and interaction among peoples of different societies and thereby fostered the integration of the eastern hemisphere. The age of nomadic empires, from 1000 to 1500 C.E., foreshadowed the integrated world of modern times.

According to the oral tradition, Sundiata's father ruled a small west African kingdom in the northeastern part of what is now Guinea. Despite his royal parentage, Sundiata had a dif- ficult childhood, since a congenitally defective leg left him partially crippled. When the old king died, his enemies invaded the kingdom and killed the royal offspring, sparing the child Sundiata because they thought his physical condition would prevent him from posing a threat to their ambitions. But Sundiata overcame his injury, learned to use the bow and arrow, and strengthened himself by hunting in the forest. As Sundiata grew stronger, his enemies began to fear him, and they forced him to seek refuge in a neighboring kingdom. While in exile, Sundiata distinguished himself as a warrior and assembled a powerful cavalry force staffed by loyal followers and allies.

Nevertheless, like their Eurasian and north African counterparts, peoples of sub-Saharan Africa organized productive societies, built powerful states, and participated in large-scale networks of communication and exchange. Internal African processes drove much of that development. Between 1000 and 1500 C.E., in the wake of the Bantu and other migrations (discussed in chapter 3), peoples of sub-Saharan Africa continued to expand the amount of territory under cultivation and to establish agricultural societies. Furthermore, as their population increased, they organized states, developed centers of economic specialization, and carried on interregional trade. Alongside these internal processes, relations with other peoples of the eastern hemisphere also profoundly influenced the development of African societies. From the early centuries C.E. to 1500 and later as well, trade with lands of the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean basins encouraged African peoples to organize their societies so as to produce commodities desired by consumers throughout much of the eastern hemisphere. This trade promoted urban development, the organization of large states and empires, and the introduction of new food crops and new religious beliefs into sub-Saharan Africa.

The principal early result of the Bantu and other migrations was to spread agriculture and herding to almost all parts of Africa, excluding deserts and dense, equatorial rainforests. As they established agricultural societies, cultivators and herders displaced many of the hunting, gathering, and fishing peoples who previously inhabited subSaharan Africa and absorbed them into their societies. After about 500 B.C.E., most Bantu peoples possessed iron metallurgy, which enabled them to fashion iron axes, adzes, and hoes that facilitated further clearing of lands and extension of agriculture. By the early centuries C.E., cultivation and herding had reached the southernmost parts of Africa. Yams, sorghum, and millet were the dietary staples of many peoples in south Africa, and the indigenous Khoi people adopted cattle raising even before Bantu and Kushite herders moved into the region. Those developments resulted in increased agricultural production, rising population, and pressure for continuing migration to new territories.

The introduction of bananas to Africa encouraged a fresh migratory surge. First
domesticated in southeast Asia, bananas entered Africa by way of sea-lanes across the Indian Ocean. During the late centuries B.C.E., Malay seafarers from the islands that make up modern Indonesia sailed west beyond India, and by the early centuries C.E. they were exploring the east African coasts. Between about 300 and 500 C.E., they colonized the island of Madagascar and established banana cultivation there. (Apart from bananas, they also brought Asian yams, taro, chickens, and southeast Asian cultural traditions. Malagasy, the language spoken on Madagascar even today, belongs to the Austronesian family of languages.) From Madagascar, bananas easily made the jump to the east African mainland. By 500 C.E. several varieties of bananas had become well established in Africa. They provided a nutritious supplement to Bantu diets and enabled the Bantu to expand into heavily forested regions where yams and millet did not grow well. Thus cultivation of bananas increased the supply of food available to the Bantu, enriched their diets, and allowed them to expand more rapidly than before.

As trade and traffic across the desert increased, Ghana underwent a dramatic
transformation. It became the most important commercial site in west Africa because
it was the center for trade in gold, which was in high demand because of economic

development and surging trade throughout the eastern hemisphere. Muslim mer-
chants flocked to camel caravans traveling across the Sahara to Ghana in search of

gold for consumers in the Mediterranean basin and elsewhere in the Islamic world.
Ghana itself did not produce gold, but the kings procured nuggets from lands to the
south—probably from the region around the headwaters of the Niger, Gambia, and
Senegal rivers, which enjoyed the world's largest supply of gold available at the time.
By controlling and taxing trade in the precious metal, the kings both enriched and
strengthened their realm. Apart from gold, merchants from Ghana also provided
ivory and slaves for traders from north Africa. In exchange, they received horses,
cloth, small manufactured wares, and salt—a crucial commodity in the tropics, but
one that local sources could not supply in large quantities.

Swahili is an Arabic term meaning "coasters," referring to those who engaged in
trade along the east African coast. The Swahili dominated the east African coast from
Mogadishu in the north to Kilwa, the Comoro Islands, and Sofala in the south. They
spoke Swahili, a Bantu language supplemented with words and ideas borrowed from
Arabic. Swahili peoples developed different dialects, but they communicated readily
among themselves because individuals frequently visited other Swahili communities
in their oceangoing crafts. Indeed, all along the east African coast, Swahili society

underwent similar patterns of development with respect to language, religion, archi-
tecture, and technology.

By the tenth century, Swahili society attracted increasing attention from Islamic
merchants. From the interior regions of east Africa, the Swahili obtained gold, slaves,
ivory, and exotic local products such as tortoise shells and leopard skins, which they
traded for pottery, glass, and textiles that Muslim merchants brought from Persia,

India, and China. The rapidly increasing volume and value of trade had large repercus-
sions for Swahili states and societies, just as such changes had for west African societies.

By the eleventh and twelfth centuries, trade had brought tremendous wealth to
coastal east Africa. By controlling and taxing trade within their jurisdictions, local

chiefs strengthened their own authority and increased the influence of their commu-
nities. Gradually, trade concentrated at several coastal and island port cities that en-
joyed sheltered or especially convenient locations: Mogadishu, Lamu, Malindi,

Mombasa, Zanzibar, Kilwa, Mozambique, and Sofala. Each of those sites developed
into a powerful city-state governed by a king who supervised trade and organized
public life in the region.

In east Africa, again as in west Africa, trade brought cultural as well as political

changes. Like their counterparts in west Africa, the ruling elites and the wealthy mer-
chants of east Africa converted to the Islamic faith. They did not necessarily give up

their religious and cultural traditions but, rather, continued to observe them for pur-
poses of providing cultural leadership in their societies. By adopting Islam, however,

they laid a cultural foundation for close cooperation with Muslim merchants trading in
the Indian Ocean basin. Moreover, Islam served as a fresh source of legitimacy for their

rule, since they gained recognition from Islamic states in southwest Asia, and their con-
version opened the door to political alliances with Muslim rulers in other lands. Even

though the conversion of elite classes did not bring about the immediate spread of Islam
throughout their societies, it enabled Islam to establish a presence in east Africa under
the sponsorship of some particularly influential patrons. The faith eventually attracted interest in larger circles and became one of the principal cultural and religious traditions
of east Africa.

By the eleventh century C.E., Africa was a land of enormous diversity. The peoples of
sub-Saharan Africa spoke some eight hundred different languages, and the continent
supported a wide variety of societies and economies: mobile bands of hunting and
gathering peoples, fishing peoples who lived alongside the continent's lakes and
coasts, nomadic herders, subsistence farmers who migrated periodically to fresh lands,
settled cultivators, and city-based societies that drew their livelihoods from mining,
manufacturing, and trade. Although this diversity makes it difficult to speak of
African society and cultural development in general terms, certain social forms and
cultural patterns appeared widely throughout sub-Saharan Africa.

In kingdoms, empires, and city-states, such as Kongo, Mali, and Kilwa, respectively,
African peoples developed complex societies with clearly defined classes: ruling elites,

military nobles, administrative officials, religious authorities, wealthy merchants, arti-
sans, business entrepreneurs, common people, peasants, and slaves. These societies

more or less resembled those found in other settled, agricultural lands of Eurasia or-
ganized by powerful states.

Records of this slave trade are scarce, but a lengthy uprising known as the Zanj
revolt throws light on the nature of African slavery in Muslim lands. The term Zanj referred to black slaves from the Swahili coast. At least by the seventh century C.E.,

many Zanj slaves labored under extremely difficult conditions in southern Mesopo-
tamia, where they worked on sugarcane plantations or cleared land of salt deposits to

prepare it for cultivation. On several occasions they mounted revolts, which Muslim
authorities promptly snuffed. Following a series of riots, in about 869 a rebel slave

named Ali bin Muhammad organized about fifteen thousand Zanj slaves into an im-
mense force that captured Basra, the most important city of southern Mesopotamia,

and even established a rebel state in the region. Distracted by other threats, the Ab-
basid rulers of Mesopotamia turned their full attention to the rebellion only in 879,

a full decade after it had begun. By 883 they had crushed the revolt, killed Ali bin
Muhammad, and executed the other rebel leaders. Despite its ultimate collapse, the
fourteen-year Zanj revolt clearly demonstrated that African slavery was a prominent
feature of Muslim society.

Apart from the superior creator god, Africans recognized many lesser gods and spir-
its often associated with the sun, wind, rain, trees, rivers, and other natural features. Un-
like the creator god, these lesser deities participated actively in the workings of the world.

They could confer or withhold benefits and bring favor or injury to humans. Similarly,
most Africans believed that the souls of departed ancestors had the power to intervene
in the lives and experiences of their descendants: the departed could shape events to the
advantage of descendants who behaved properly and honored their ancestors and bring
misfortune as punishment for evil behavior and neglect of their ancestors' memory.
Much of the ritual of African religions focused on honoring deities, spirits, or ancestors'
souls to win their favor or regain their goodwill. The rituals included prayers, animal
sacrifices, and ceremonies marking important stages of life—such as birth, circumcision,
marriage, and death.

Like other peoples of the world, Africans recognized classes of religious special-
ists—individuals who by virtue of their innate abilities or extensive training had the

power to mediate between humanity and supernatural beings. Often referred to as di-
viners, they were intelligent people, usually men though sometimes women as well,

who understood clearly the networks of political, social, economic, and psychological
relationships within their communities. When afflicted by illness, sterility, crop failure,
or some other disaster, individuals or groups consulted diviners to learn the cause of
their misfortune. Diviners then consulted oracles, identified the causes of the trouble,
and prescribed medicine, rituals, or sacrifices designed to eliminate the problem and
bring about a return to normality.

The fortunes of Christianity in Ethiopia reflected the larger political experience of the region. In the late seventh century C.E., the ruling house of Axum fell into decline, and during the next several centuries the expansion of Islam left an isolated island of Christianity in the Ethiopian highlands. During the twelfth century, however, a new ruling dynasty undertook a centralizing campaign and enthusiastically promoted Chris- tianity as a faith that could provide cultural unity for the land. From the twelfth through the sixteenth century, Christianity enjoyed particular favor in Ethiopia. During the twelfth century, the Ethiopian kings ordered the carving of eleven massive churches out of solid rock—a monumental work of construction that required enormous re- sources and untold hours of labor. During the thirteenth cen- tury, rulers of Ethiopia's Solo- monic dynasty claimed descent from the Israelite kings David and Solomon in an effort to lend additional biblical luster to their authority. The fictional work Kebra Negast (The Glory of Kings), which undertook to trace that lineage, has recently become popular among Rasta- farians and devotees of reggae music in Ethiopia, Jamaica, and other lands as well. Meanwhile, Christianity retained its privi- leged status in Ethiopia until it fell out of favor following the socialist revolution of 1974.

During the centuries after the Islamic conquests of Egypt, the Sudan, and northern Africa, Ethiopian Christians had little contact with Christians in other lands. As a result, although Ethi- opian Christianity retained basic Christian theology and rituals, it increasingly reflected the in- terests of its African devotees. Ethiopian Christians believed that a large host of evil spirits populated the world, for exam- ple, and they carried amulets or charms for protection against these menacing spirits. The twelfth-century carved-rock churches themselves harked back to pre-Christian values, since rock shrines had been a prominent feature in Ethiopian religion from the second or perhaps even third mil- lennium B.C.E. The rock churches absorbed that tradition into Ethiopian Christianity. Not until the sixteenth century, when Portuguese mariners began to visit Ethiopia en route to India, did Ethiopians reestablish relations with Christians from other lands. By that time the Portuguese had introduced their Roman Catholic faith to the king- dom of Kongo, and Christianity had begun to win a place for itself elsewhere in sub- Saharan Africa.

The foundations of most sub-Saharan societies were the

agricultural economy and iron-working skills that Bantu and other peoples spread through-
out most of the African continent. As these peoples migrated to new regions and estab-
lished new communities, they usually based their societies on kin groups rather than the

state structures that predominated elsewhere in the eastern hemisphere. When different

societies came into conflict with one another, however, they increasingly established for-
mal political authorities to guide their affairs. African peoples organized states of various

sizes, some very small and others quite large. When they entered into commercial relation-
ships with Muslim peoples in southwest Asia and north Africa, they also built formidable

imperial states in west Africa and bustling city-states in coastal east Africa. These states had
far-reaching implications for sub-Saharan societies because they depended on a regular
and reliable flow of trade goods—particularly gold, ivory, and slaves—and they encouraged
African peoples to organize themselves politically and economically to satisfy the demands
of foreign Muslim merchants. Trade also had cultural implications because it facilitated the
introduction of Islam, which together with native African traditions profoundly influenced
the development of sub-Saharan societies. After the eighth century, ruling elites in both
west Africa and coastal east Africa mostly accepted Islam and strengthened its position in
their societies by building mosques, consulting Muslim advisors, and supporting Islamic
schools. By 1500 c.e. African traditions and Islamic influences had combined to fashion a
series of powerful, productive, and distinctive societies in sub-Saharan Africa.

In 1260 C.E. two brothers, Niccolò and Maffeo Polo, traveled from their native Venice to Con-
stantinople. The Polo brothers were jewel merchants, and while in Constantinople, they de-
cided to pursue opportunities farther east. They went first to Soldaia (modern Sudak), near

Caffa on the Black Sea, and then to the trading cities of Sarai and Bulghar on the Volga River.
At that point they might have returned home except that a war broke out behind them and
prevented them from retracing their steps, so they joined a caravan and continued east. They
spent three years in the great central Asian trading city of Bokhara, where they received an
invitation to join a diplomatic embassy going to the court of Khubilai Khan. They readily
agreed and traveled by caravan to the Mongol court, where the great khan received them
and inquired about their land, rulers, and religion.

Long after its disappearance the Roman empire inspired European philosophers, theo-
logians, and rulers, who dreamed of a centralized political structure embracing all of

Christian Europe. Beginning in the late tenth century, German princes formed the
so-called Holy Roman Empire, which they viewed as a Christian revival of the earlier

Roman empire. In fact, however, the Roman empire returned only in name. When-
ever the medieval emperors attempted to extend their influence beyond Germany,

they faced stiff resistance from the popes and the princes of other European lands.

Meanwhile, independent monarchies emerged in France and England, and other au-
thorities ruled in the various regions of Italy and Spain. Thus medieval Europe was a

political mosaic of independent and competing regional states. Those states frequently
clashed with one another, and they all faced perennial challenges from within. Yet

they also organized their own territories efficiently, and they laid the political founda-
tions for the emergence of powerful national states in a later era.

As the Carolingian empire faded during the ninth century, counts, dukes, and other

local authorities took responsibility for providing order in their own regions. Gradu-
ally, some of them extended their influence beyond their own jurisdictions and built

larger states. Otto of Saxony was particularly aggressive. By the mid-tenth century,
he had established himself as king in northern Germany. He campaigned east of the
Elbe River in lands populated by Slavic peoples (in what is now eastern Germany,
western Poland, and the Czech Republic), and twice he ventured into Italy to quell political disturbances, protect the church, and seek opportunities in the south. In
appreciation for his aid to the church, Pope John XII proclaimed Otto emperor in
962 C.E. Thus was born the Holy Roman Empire.

The French monarchy grew slowly from humble beginnings. When the last of the
Carolingians died, in 987 C.E., the lords of France elected a minor noble named Hugh
Capet to serve as king. Capet held only a small territory around Paris, and he was in
no position to challenge his retainers, some of whom were far more powerful than the
king himself. During the next three centuries, however, his descendants, known as the

Capetian kings, gradually added to their resources and expanded their political in-
fluence. Relying on relationships between lords and retainers, they absorbed the terri-
tories of retainers who died without heirs and established the right to administer

justice throughout the realm. By the early fourteenth century, the Capetian kings had
gradually centralized power and authority in France.

Regional states emerged also in other lands of medieval Europe, though not on such
a large scale as the monarchies of France and England. In Italy, for example, no single

regime controlled the entire peninsula. Rather, a series of ecclesiastical states, city-
states, and principalities competed for power and position. In central Italy the popes

had provided political leadership since the Carolingian era. Indeed, although the pa-
pacy was a spiritual rather than a political post, the popes ruled a good-sized territory

in central Italy known as the Papal State. In northern Italy, too, the church influenced

political affairs, since bishops of the major cities took much of the initiative in orga-
nizing public life in their regions. During the high middle ages, however, as the cities

grew wealthy from trade and manufacturing, lay classes challenged the bishops and
eventually displaced them as ruling authorities.

By about the twelfth century, a series of prosperous city-states—including Florence,
Bologna, Genoa, Milan, and Venice—dominated not only their own urban districts but
also the surrounding hinterlands. Meanwhile, in southern Italy, Norman adventurers—
cousins of those who conquered Anglo-Saxon England—invaded territories still claimed

by the Byzantine empire and various Muslim states. Norman adventurers first inter-
vened in Italian affairs in the year 999, when a group of Norman pilgrims aided the

people of Salerno as they fought off an attack by Muslim raiders. Other Normans later
aided the city of Bari in its struggle for independence from Byzantine authority
(1017-1018). When they learned that opportunities might be available for ambitious

adventurers in an unstable region, Norman mercenaries soon made their way to south-
ern Italy in large numbers. With papal approval and support, they overcame Byzantine

and Muslim authorities, brought southern Italy into the orbit of Roman Catholic Chris-
tianity, and laid the foundations for the emergence of the powerful kingdom of Naples.

As in Italy, a series of regional states competed for power in the Iberian peninsula.

From the eighth to the eleventh century, Muslim conquerors ruled most of the penin-
sula. Only in northern Spain did small Christian states survive the Muslim conquest. Beginning in the mid-eleventh century, though, Christian adventurers from those

states began to attack Muslim territories and enlarge their own domains. As in south-
ern Italy, political and military instability attracted the attention of Norman adventur-
ers, many of whom traveled to Spain and joined the armies of the Christian kingdoms

as soldiers of fortune. By the late thirteenth century, the Christian kingdoms of
Castile, Aragon, and Portugal controlled most of the Iberian peninsula, leaving only
the small kingdom of Granada in Muslim hands.

With its Holy Roman Empire, regional monarchies, ecclesiastical principalities,

city-states, and new states founded on conquest, medieval Europe might seem to pre-
sent a chaotic and confusing political spectacle, particularly when compared with a land

such as China, reunified by centralized imperial rule. Moreover, European rulers rarely
sought to maintain the current state of affairs but, rather, campaigned constantly to

enlarge their holdings at the expense of their neighbors. As a result, the political his-
tory of medieval Europe was a complicated affair. Yet the regional states of the high

middle ages effectively tended to public affairs in limited regions. In doing so, they
fashioned alternatives to a centralized empire as a form of political organization.

Beginning in the late tenth century, as local lords pacified their territories and put
an end to invasions, Europe began to experience population pressure. In response serfs
and monks cleared forests, drained swamps, and increased the amount of land devoted
to agriculture. At first some lords opposed those efforts, since they reduced the amount

of land available for game preserves, where nobles enjoyed hunting wild animals. Grad-
ually, however, the lords realized that expanding agricultural production would yield

higher taxes and increase their own wealth. By the early twelfth century, lords were en-
couraging the expansion of cultivation, and the process gathered momentum.

Expansion of land under cultivation, improved methods of cultivation, and the
use of new tools and technologies combined to increase both the quantity and the

quality of food supplies. During the early middle ages, the European diet consisted al-
most entirely of grains and grain products such as gruel and bread. During the cen-
turies from 1000 to 1300, meat, dairy products, fish, vegetables, and legumes such as

beans and peas became much more prominent in the European diet, though without
displacing grains as staple foods. Spain, Italy, and other Mediterranean lands benefited
also from widespread cultivation of crops that had earlier been disseminated through
the Islamic world: hard durum wheat, rice, spinach, artichokes, eggplant, lemons,
limes, oranges, and melons all became prominent items in Mediterranean diets during
the high middle ages.

As in other lands, increased agricultural productivity supported rapid population

growth in medieval Europe. In 800 C.E., during the Carolingian era, European pop-
ulation stood at about twenty-nine million. By 1000, when regional states had ended

invasions and restored order, it had edged up to thirty-six million. During the next
few centuries, as the agricultural economy expanded, population surged. By 1100 it
had reached forty-four million; by 1200 it had risen to fifty-eight million, an increase
of more than 30 percent within one century; and by 1300 it had grown an additional
36 percent, to seventy-nine million. During the fourteenth century, epidemic plague
severely reduced populations and disrupted economies in Europe as well as Asia and

north Africa—a development discussed in chapter 22. Between 1000 and 1300, how-
ever, rapid demographic growth helped stimulate a vigorous revival of towns and

trade in medieval Europe.

With abundant supplies of food, European society was able to support large numbers
of urban residents—artisans, crafts workers, merchants, and professionals. Attracted by
urban opportunities, peasants and serfs from the countryside flocked to established
cities and founded new towns at strategically located sites. Cities founded during

Roman times, such as Paris, London, and Toledo, became thriving centers of govern-
ment and business, and new urban centers emerged from Venice in northern Italy to Bergen on the west coast
of Norway. Northern Italy

and Flanders (the northwest-
ern part of modern Belgium)

experienced especially strong
urbanization. For the first

time since the fall of the west-
ern Roman empire, cities be-
gan to play a major role in

European economic and so-
cial development.

The growth of towns and cities brought about increas- ing specialization of labor, which in turn resulted in a dramatic expansion of manu- facturing and trade. Manu- facturing concentrated espe- cially on the production of wool textiles. The cities of Italy and Flanders in par- ticular became lively centers for the spinning, weaving, and dyeing of wool. Trade in wool products helped to fuel economic development throughout Europe. By the twelfth century the counts of Champagne in northern France sponsored fairs that operated almost year-round and that served as vast mar- ketplaces where merchants from all parts of Europe com- pared and exchanged goods. The revival of urban soci- ety was most pronounced in Italy, which was geographically well situated to partici- pate in the trade networks of the Mediterranean basin. During the tenth century the cities of Amalfi and Venice served as ports for merchants engaged in trade with Byzantine and Muslim partners in the eastern Mediterranean. During the next cen- tury the commercial networks of the Mediterranean widened to embrace Genoa, Pisa, Naples, and other Italian cities. Italian merchants exchanged salt, olive oil, wine, wool fabrics, leather products, and glass for luxury goods such as gems, spices, silk, and other goods from India, southeast Asia, and China that Muslim merchants brought to eastern Mediterranean markets.

As trade expanded, Italian merchants established colonies in the major ports and
commercial centers of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. By the thirteenth century,
Venetian and Genoese merchants maintained large communities in Constantinople,
Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus, and the Black Sea ports of Tana, Caffa, and Trebizond.
Caffa was the first destination of the Venetian brothers Niccolò and Maffeo Polo when
they embarked on their commercial venture of 1260. Those trading posts enabled them to deal with Muslim merchants engaged in the Indian Ocean and overland trade
with India, southeast Asia, and China. By the mid-thirteenth century the Polos and a

few other Italian merchants were beginning to venture beyond the eastern Mediter-
ranean region to central Asia, India, and China in search of commercial opportunities.

Although medieval trade was most active in the Mediterranean basin, a lively com-
merce grew up also in the northern seas. The Baltic Sea and the North Sea were sites

of a particularly well-developed trade network known as the Hanseatic League, or
more simply as the Hansa—an association of trading cities stretching from Novgorod
to London and embracing all the significant commercial centers of Poland, northern
Germany, and Scandinavia. The Hansa dominated trade in grain, fish, furs, timber,
and pitch from northern Europe. The fairs of Champagne and the Rhine, the Danube,
and other major European rivers linked the Hansa trade network with that of the
Mediterranean.

Aristocratic women found the chivalric code much to their liking, and they went to

some lengths to spread its values. Instead of emphasizing the code's religious dimen-
sions, however, they promoted refined behavior and tender, respectful relations be-
tween the sexes. Reflections of their interests survive in the songs and poems of the

troubadours, a class of traveling poets, minstrels, and entertainers whom aristocratic
women enthusiastically patronized. The troubadours, who were most active in southern France and northern Italy, drew inspiration from a long tradition of love poetry pro-
duced in nearby Muslim Spain. Many troubadours visited the expanding Christian king-
doms of Spain, where they heard love poems and songs from servants, slaves, and

musicians of Muslim ancestry. Enchanted by that refined literature, they began to pro-
duce similar verses for their own aristocratic patrons.

Social change also touched those who worked. By the twelfth century the ranks

of workers included not only peasants but also increasing numbers of merchants, ar-
tisans, crafts workers, and professionals such as physicians and lawyers, who filled the

growing towns of medieval Europe. The expansion of the urban working population
promoted the development of towns and cities as jurisdictions that fit awkwardly in
the framework of the medieval political order. Because of their military power, lords
could dominate small towns and tax their wealth. As towns grew larger, however,
urban populations were increasingly able to resist the demands of nobles and guide
their own affairs. By the late eleventh century, inhabitants of prosperous towns were
demanding that local lords grant them charters of incorporation that exempted them
from political regulation, allowed them to manage their own affairs, and abolished

taxes and tolls on commerce within the urban district. Sometimes groups of cities or-
ganized leagues to advance their commercial interests, as in the case of the Hansa, or

to protect themselves against the encroachments of political authorities.

The same kinds of tasks
that their ancestors tended to in the early middle ages: household chores, weaving, and the care of domestic animals. But medieval towns and
cities offered fresh opportunities for women as well as
for men. In the patriarchal society of medieval Europe,
few routes to public authority were open to women,

but in the larger towns and cities women worked along-
side men as butchers, brewers, bakers, candle makers,

fishmongers, shoemakers, gemsmiths, innkeepers, laun-
derers, money changers, merchants, and occasionally

physicians and pharmacists. Women dominated some oc-
cupations, particularly those involving textiles and deco-
rative arts, such as sewing, spinning, weaving, and the

making of hats, wigs, and fur garments.

About the mid-twelfth century, students and teachers organized academic guilds
and persuaded political authorities to grant charters guaranteeing their rights. Student
guilds demanded fair treatment for students from townspeople, who sometimes

charged excessive rates for room and board, and called on their teachers to provide rig-
orous, high-quality instruction. Faculty guilds sought to vest teachers with the right to

bestow academic degrees, which served as licenses to teach in other cities, and to con-
trol the curriculum in their institutions. These guilds had the effect of transforming

cathedral schools into universities. The first universities were those of Bologna, Paris,
and Salerno—noted for instruction in law, theology, and medicine, respectively—but
by the late thirteenth century, universities had appeared also in Rome, Naples, Seville,
Salamanca, Oxford, Cambridge, and other cities throughout Europe.

The Cathars, sometimes called Albigensians, went even further than the Waldensians. As Europeans participated more actively in long-distance trade networks, they encoun- tered ideas popular in the Byzantine empire and else- where in the Mediterranean basin. Most active in south- ern France and northern Italy, the Cathars adopted the teachings of heretical groups in eastern Europe, such as the Bogomils, who viewed the world as the site of an un- relenting, cosmic struggle be- tween the forces of good and evil. They considered the ma- terial world evil and advo- cated an ascetic, pure, spiri- tual existence. Those who sought spiritual perfection re- nounced wealth and marriage and adopted a strict vegetarian diet. They also rejected the Roman Catholic church, which they considered hopelessly corrupt, along with its priests and sacraments.

During the high middle ages, the relationship between western European peoples and their neighbors underwent dramatic change. Powerful states, economic expansion, and demographic growth all strengthened European society, and church officials encouraged the colonization of pagan and Muslim lands as a way to extend the influence of Roman Catholic Christianity. Beginning about the mid-eleventh century, Europeans embarked on expansive ventures on several fronts: Atlantic, Baltic, and Mediterranean. Scandina- vian seafarers ventured into the Atlantic Ocean, establishing colonies in Iceland, Green- land, and even for a short time North America. In the Baltic region Europeans conquered and introduced Christianity to Prussia, Livonia, Lithuania, and Finland. In the Mediter- ranean basin Europeans recaptured Spain and the Mediterranean islands that Muslims had conquered between the eighth and tenth centuries. Finally, knights from all over Eu- rope mounted enormous campaigns designed to seize the holy land of Palestine from Muslims and place it under Christian authority. As military ventures, the crusades achieved limited success, since they brought the holy land into Christian hands only tem- porarily. Nevertheless, the crusades signaled clearly that Europeans were beginning to play a much larger role in the affairs of the eastern hemisphere than they had during the early middle ages.

In the Baltic lands of Prussia, Livonia, and Lithuania, Christian authority arrived in
the wake of military conquest. During the era of crusades, zealous Christians formed a
series of hybrid, military-religious orders. The most prominent were the Templars,
Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights, who not only took religious vows but also pledged

to devote their lives and efforts to the struggle against Muslims and pagans. The Teu-
tonic Knights were most active in the Baltic region, where they waged military cam-
paigns against the pagan Slavic peoples during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

Aided by German missionaries, the Knights founded churches and monasteries in the
territories they subdued. By the late thirteenth century, the Roman Catholic church
had established its presence throughout the Baltic region, which progressively became
absorbed into the larger society of Christian Europe.

The term crusade refers to a holy war. It derives from the Latin word crux, meaning

"cross," the device on which Roman authorities had executed Jesus. When a pope de-
clared a crusade, warriors would "take up the cross" as a symbol of their faith, sew strips

of cloth in the form of a cross on the backs of their garments, and venture forth to fight
on behalf of Christianity. The wars that Christians fought against pagans in the Baltic
and Muslims in the Mediterranean were crusades in this sense of the term, as was the
campaign waged by Roman Catholic Christians against Cathar heretics in southern
France. In popular usage, though, crusades generally refers to the huge expeditions that
Roman Catholic Christians mounted in an effort to recapture Palestine, the land of
Christian origins, and the holy city of Jerusalem from Muslim authorities.

Pope Urban II launched the crusades in 1095. While meeting with bishops at the Council of Clermont, he called for Christian knights to take up arms and seize the holy land, promising salvation for those who fell during the campaign. The response to Urban's appeal was immediate and enthusiastic. A zealous preacher named Peter the Hermit traveled throughout France, Germany, and the Low Countries whipping up support among popular au- diences. Within a year of Pope Urban's call, the Her- mit had organized a ragtag army of poor knights and enthusiastic peasants—includ- ing women as well as men— and set out for Palestine without proper training, dis- cipline, weapons, supplies, or plans. Not surprisingly, the campaign was a disaster: par- ticipants fought not only with Greeks and Turks they met on the road to Palestine but also among themselves. Many members of Peter's band died in those conflicts, and Turkish forces captured others and forced them into slavery. Few made it beyond Anatolia or back to Europe. Yet the campaign indicated the high level of interest that the crusading idea generated among the European public.

Although the crusaders did not realize it, hindsight shows that their quick victo-
ries came largely because of division and disarray in the ranks of their Muslim foes.

The crusaders' successes, however, encouraged Turks, Egyptians, and other Muslims
to settle their differences, at least temporarily, in the interests of expelling European
Christians from the eastern Mediterranean. By the mid-twelfth century the crusader
communities had come under tremendous pressure. The crusader state of Edessa fell

to Turks in 1144, and the Muslim leader Salah al-Din, known to Europeans as Sal-
adin, recaptured Jerusalem in 1187. Crusaders maintained several of their enclaves for

another century, but Saladin's victories sealed the fate of Christian forces in the eastern
Mediterranean.

As holy wars intended to reestablish Roman Catholic Christianity in the eastern
Mediterranean basin, the crusades were wars of military and political expansion. Yet in

the long run, the crusades were much more important for their social, economic, com-
mercial, and cultural consequences. Even as European armies built crusader states in

Palestine and Syria, European scholars and missionaries dealt with Muslim philoso-
phers and theologians, and European merchants traded eagerly with their Muslim

counterparts. The result was a large-scale exchange of ideas, technologies, and trade
goods that profoundly influenced European development. Through their sojourns in
Palestine and their regular dealings with Muslims throughout the Mediterranean basin,
European Christians became acquainted with the works of Aristotle, Islamic science
and astronomy, "Arabic" numerals (which Muslims had borrowed from India), and
techniques of paper production (which Muslims had learned from China). They also
learned to appreciate new food and agricultural products such as spices, granulated

sugar, coffee, and dates as well as trade goods such as silk products, cotton textiles, car-
pets, and tapestries.

In the early days of the crusades, Europeans had little to exchange for those products
other than rough, wool textiles, furs, and timber. During the crusading era, however,

demand for the new commodities increased throughout western Europe as large num-
bers of people developed a taste for goods previously available only to wealthy elites.

Seeking to meet the rising demand for luxury goods, Italian merchants developed new

products and marketed them in commercial centers and port cities such as Constan-
tinople, Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus, Tana, Caffa, and Trebizond. Thus Niccolò, Maf-
feo, and Marco Polo traded in gems and jewelry, and other merchants marketed fine

woolen textiles or glassware. By the thirteenth century, large numbers of Italian mer-
chants had begun to travel well beyond Egypt, Palestine, and Syria to avoid Muslim in-
termediaries and to deal directly with the producers of silks and spices in India, China,

and southeast Asia. Thus, although the crusades largely failed as military ventures, they

encouraged the reintegration of western Europe into the larger economy of the east-
ern hemisphere.

From 1000 to 1300 western Europe underwent thorough political and economic reorganization. Building on foundations laid during the early middle ages, political leaders founded a series of independent regional states. Despite the establishment of the Holy Roman Empire, they did not revive central imperial authority in western Europe. Regional states maintained good order and fostered rapid economic growth. Agricultural improvements brought increased food supplies, which encouraged urbanization, manufacturing, and trade. By the thirteenth century, European peoples traded actively throughout the Mediterranean, Baltic, and North Sea regions, and a few plucky merchants even ventured as far away as China in search of commercial opportunities. In the high middle ages, as in the early middle ages, Roman Catholic Christianity was the cultural foundation of European society. The church prospered during the high middle ages, and advanced educational institutions such as cathedral schools and universities reinforced the influence of Roman Catholic Christianity throughout Europe. Christianity even played a role in European political and military expansion, since church officials encouraged crusaders to conquer pagan and Muslim peoples in Baltic and Mediterranean lands. Thus between 1000 and 1300, western European peoples strengthened their own society and began in various ways to interact regularly with their counterparts in other regions of the eastern hemisphere.

The city itself sat in the water of Lake Tex-
coco, connected to the surrounding land by three broad causeways, and as in Venice, canals

allowed canoes to navigate to all parts of the city. The imperial palace included many large
rooms and apartments. Its armory, well stocked with swords, lances, knives, bows, arrows,

slings, armor, and shields, attracted Bernal Díaz's professional attention. The aviary of Tenochti-
tlan included eagles, hawks, parrots, and smaller birds in its collection, and jaguars, mountain

lions, wolves, foxes, and rattlesnakes were noteworthy residents of the zoo.

To Bernal Díaz the two most impressive sights were the markets and the temples of Te-
nochtitlan. The markets astonished him because of their size, the variety of goods they offered,

and the order that prevailed there. In the principal market at Tlatelolco, a district of Tenochti-
tlan, Bernal Díaz found gold and silver jewelry, gems, feathers, embroidery, slaves, cotton,

cacao, animal skins, maize, beans, vegetables, fruits, poultry, meat, fish, salt, paper, and tools. It
would take more than two days, he said, to walk around the market and investigate all the
goods offered for sale. His well-traveled companions-in-arms compared the market of Tlatelolco
favorably to those of Rome and Constantinople.

Although the peoples of Africa, Asia, and Europe interacted regularly before modern times,
the indigenous peoples of the Americas had only sporadic dealings with their contemporaries
across the oceans. Scandinavian seafarers established a short-lived colony in Newfoundland,
and occasional ships from Europe and west Africa may have made their way to the western
hemisphere. Before 1492, however, interaction between peoples of the eastern and western
hemispheres was fleeting and random rather than a sustained and regular affair. During the
period from 1000 to 1500 C.E., however, the peoples of North and South America, like their
counterparts in the eastern hemisphere, organized large empires with distinctive cultural and
religious traditions, and they created elaborate trade networks touching most regions of the
American continents.

With the emergence of the Toltecs and later the Mexica, much of central Mexico again came under unified rule. The Toltecs began to migrate into the area about the eighth century. They came from the arid land of northwestern Mexico, and they settled mostly at Tula, about 50 kilometers (31 miles) northwest of modern Mexico City. Though situated in a corner of the valley of Mexico that possesses thin soil and receives little rainfall, the Toltecs tapped the waters of the nearby River Tula to irrigate crops of maize, beans, peppers, tomatoes, chiles, and cotton. At its high point, from about 950 to 1150 C.E., Tula supported an urban population that might have reached sixty thousand people. Another sixty thousand lived in the surrounding region.

About 1345 the Mexica settled on an island in a marshy region of Lake Texcoco
and founded the city that would become their capital—Tenochtitlan, on top of which

Spanish conquerors later built Mexico City. Though inconvenient at first, the site of-
fered several advantages. The lake harbored plentiful supplies of fish, frogs, and water-
fowl. Moreover, the lake enabled the Mexica to develop the chinampa system of

agriculture. The Mexica dredged a rich and fertile muck from the lake's bottom and

built it up into small plots of land known as chinampas. During the dry season, cultiva-
tors tapped water from canals leading from the lake to their plots, and in the temperate

climate they grew crops of maize, beans, squashes, tomatoes, peppers, and chiles year-
round. Chinampas were so fertile and productive that cultivators were sometimes able

to harvest seven crops per year from their gardens. Finally, the lake served as a natural
defense: waters protected Tenochtitlan on all sides, and Mexica warriors patrolled the
three causeways that eventually linked their capital to the surrounding mainland.

The main objective of the triple alliance was to exact tribute from subject peoples.

From nearby peoples the Mexica and their allies received food crops and manufac-
tured items such as textiles, rabbit-fur blankets, embroidered clothes, jewelry, and ob-
sidian knives. Tribute obligations were sometimes very oppressive for subject peoples.

The annual tribute owed by the state of Tochtepec on the Gulf coast, for example,
included 9,600 cloaks, 1,600 women's garments, 200 loads of cacao, and 16,000
rubber balls, among other items. Ruling elites entrusted some of these tribute items
to officially recognized merchants, who took them to distant lands and exchanged

them for local products. These included luxury items such as translucent jade, emeralds, tortoise shells, jaguar skins, parrot feathers,
seashells, and game animals. The tropical lowlands
also supplied vanilla beans and cacao—the source of

cocoa and chocolate—from which Mexica elites pre-
pared tasty beverages.

At the high point of the Aztec empire in the early sixteenth century, tribute from
489 subject territories flowed into Tenochtitlan, which was an enormously wealthy
city. The Mexica capital had a population of about two hundred thousand people,
and three hundred thousand others lived in nearby towns and suburban areas. The
principal market had separate sections for merchants dealing in gold, silver, slaves,
henequen and cotton cloth, shoes, animal skins, turkeys, dogs, wild game, maize,
beans, peppers, cacao, and fruits.

The bulk of the Mexica population consisted of commoners who lived in hamlets
cultivating chinampas and fields allocated to their families by community groups

known as calpulli. Originally, calpulli were clans or groups of families claiming de-
scent from common ancestors. With the passage of time, ancestry became less im-
portant to the nature of the calpulli than the fact that groups of families lived together in communities, organized their own affairs, and allocated community prop-
erty to individual families. Apart from cultivating plots assigned by their calpulli,

Mexica commoners worked on lands awarded to aristocrats or prominent warriors
and contributed labor services to public works projects involving the construction of
palaces, temples, roads, and irrigation systems. Cultivators delivered periodic tribute
payments to state agents, who distributed a portion of what they collected to the
elite classes and stored the remainder in state granaries and warehouses. In addition
to these cultivators of common birth, Mexica society included a large number of
slaves, who usually worked as domestic servants. Most slaves were not foreigners, but
Mexica. Families sometimes sold younger members into servitude out of financial
distress, and other Mexica were forced into slavery because of criminal behavior.

Beyond Mexico the peoples of North America developed a rich variety of political, social,
and cultural traditions. Many North American peoples depended on hunting, fishing,

and collecting edible plants. In the arctic and subarctic regions, for example, diets in-
cluded sea mammals such as whale, seal, and walrus supplemented by land mammals

such as moose and caribou. Peoples in coastal regions consumed fish, but in interior re-
gions (the North American plains, for example), they hunted large animals such as bison

and deer. Throughout the continent nuts, berries, roots, and grasses such as wild rice

supplemented the meat provided by hunters and fishers. Like their counterparts else-
where, hunting, fishing, and foraging peoples of North America built societies on a rela-
tively small scale, since food resources in the wild would not support dense populations.

Large-scale agricultural societies emerged also in the woodlands east of the Missis-
sippi River. Woodlands peoples began to cultivate maize and beans during the early

centuries C.E., and after about 800 these cultivated foods made up the bulk of their

diets. They lived in settled communities, and they often surrounded their larger settle-
ments with wooden palisades, which served as defensive walls. By 1000, for example,

the Owasco people had established a distinct society in what is now upstate New York,
and by about 1400 the five Iroquois nations (Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga,

and Seneca) had emerged from Owasco society. Women were in charge of Iroquois vil-
lages and longhouses, in which several related families lived together, and supervised

cultivation of fields surrounding their settlements. Men took responsibility for affairs
beyond the village—hunting, fishing, and war.

Because peoples north of Mexico had no writing, information about their societies
comes almost exclusively from archaeological discoveries. Burial sites reveal that
mound-building peoples recognized various social classes, since they bestowed grave
goods of differing quality and quantities on their departed kin. Archaeologists have
shown, too, that trade linked widely separated regions and peoples of North America.

An elaborate network of rivers—notably the Mississippi, Missouri, Ohio, and Ten-
nessee rivers, along with their many tributaries—facilitated travel and trade by canoe in

the eastern half of North America. Throughout the eastern woodlands, archaeologists
have turned up stones with sharp cutting edges from the Rocky Mountains, copper
from the Great Lakes region, seashells from Florida, minerals from the upper reaches
of the Mississippi River, and mica from the southern Appalachian mountains. Indeed,
the community at Cahokia probably owed its size and prominence to its location at the

hub of North American trade networks. Situated near the confluence of the Missis-
sippi, Missouri, and Ohio rivers, Cahokia was most likely the center of trade and com-
munication networks linking the eastern woodlands of North America with the lower

Mississippi valley and lands bordering the Gulf of Mexico.

South American peoples had no script and no tradition of writing before the arrival of Spanish invaders in the early sixteenth century. As a result, the experiences of early South American societies are much more difficult to recover than those of Meso- america, where writing had been in use since the fifth century B.C.E. Yet, from archaeological evidence and information recorded by Spanish conquerors, it is possible to reconstruct much of the historical experience of Andean South America, which had been the site of complex societies since the first millennium B.C.E. As in Mesoamerica, cities and sec- ular government in South America began to over- shadow ceremonial centers and priestly regimes during the centuries from 1000 to 1500 C.E. Toward the end of the period, like the Mex- ica in Mesoamerica, the Incas built a powerful state, ex- tended their authority over a vast region, and established the largest empire South America had ever seen.

After the twelfth century, for example, the kingdom of Chucuito dominated the
highlands region around Lake Titicaca, which straddles the border between modern

Peru and Bolivia at about 4,000 meters (13,000 feet) of elevation. Chucuito de-
pended on the cultivation of potatoes and the herding of llamas and alpacas—camel-
like beasts that were the only large domesticated animals anywhere in the Americas

before the sixteenth century. In elaborately terraced fields built with stone retaining
walls, cultivators harvested potatoes of many colors, sizes, and tastes. Like maize in
Mesoamerica, potatoes served as the staple of the highlanders' diet, which revolved

around a potato-based stew enlivened by maize, tomatoes, green vegetables, pep-
pers, chiles, and meat from llamas, alpacas, or tender, domesticated guinea pigs.

In the absence of any script or system of writing, Inca bureaucrats and adminis-
trators relied on a mnemonic aid known as quipu to keep track of their responsibili-
ties. Quipu consisted of an array of small cords of various colors and lengths, all

suspended from one large, thick cord. Experts tied a series of knots in the small cords,
which sometimes numbered a hundred or more, to help them remember certain
kinds of information. Most quipu recorded statistical information having to do with
population, state property, taxes, and labor services that communities owed to the
central government. Occasionally, though, quipu also helped experts to remember
historical information having to do with the establishment of the Inca empire, the
Inca rulers, and their deeds. Although much more unwieldy and less flexible than
writing, quipu enabled Inca bureaucrats to keep track of information well enough to
run an orderly empire.

Despite those splendid roads, Inca society did not generate large classes of merchants
and skilled artisans. On the local level the Incas and their subjects bartered surplus
agricultural production and handcrafted goods among themselves. Long-distance
trade, however, fell under the supervision of the central government. Administrators
organized exchanges of agricultural products, textiles, pottery, jewelry, and craft

goods, but the Inca state did not permit individuals to become independent mer-
chants. In the absence of a market economy, there was no opportunity for a large

class of professional, skilled artisans to emerge. Many individuals produced pottery,
textiles, and tools for local consumption, and a few produced especially fine goods
for the ruling, priestly, and aristocratic classes. But skilled crafts workers were much

less prominent among the Incas than among the Mexica and the peoples of the east-
ern hemisphere.

The main classes in Inca society were the rulers, the aristocrats, the priests, and the

peasant cultivators of common birth. The Incas considered their chief ruler a deity de-
scended from the sun. In theory, this god-king owned all land, livestock, and property

in the Inca realm, which he governed as an absolute and infallible ruler. Inca rulers re-
tained their prestige even after death. Their descendants mummified the royal remains

and regarded departed kings as intermediaries with the gods. Succeeding rulers often
deliberated state policy in the presence of royal mummies so as to benefit from their
counsel. Indeed, on the occasion of certain festivals, rulers brought out the mummified

remains of their ancestors, dressed them in fine clothes, adorned them with gold and sil-
ver jewelry, honored them, and presented them with offerings of food and drink to

maintain cordial relations with former rulers. Meanwhile, by way of tending to the needs

of their living subjects, the Inca god-kings supervised a class of bureaucrats, mostly aris-
tocrats, who allocated plots of land for commoners to cultivate on behalf of the state.

The cultivators were mostly peasants

of common birth who lived in communi-
ties known as ayllu, similar to the Mexi-
cas' calpulli, which were the basic units of

rural society. Ranging in size from small
villages to larger towns, ayllus consisted of

several families who lived together, shar-
ing land, tools, animals, crops, and work.

Peasants supported themselves by working on lands allocated to individual families
by their ayllu. Instead of paying taxes or tribute, peasants also worked on state lands
administered by aristocrats. Much of the production from these state lands went to

support the ruling, aristocratic, and priestly classes. The rest went into state store-
houses for public relief in times of famine and for the support of widows, orphans,

and others unable to cultivate land for themselves. Apart from agricultural work,
peasants also owed compulsory labor services to the Inca state. Men provided the

heavy labor required for the construction, maintenance, and repair of roads, build-
ings, and irrigation systems. Women delivered tribute in the form of textiles, pottery,

and jewelry. With the aid of quipu, Inca bureaucrats kept track of the labor service
and tribute owed by local communities.

Members of the Inca ruling class venerated the sun as a god and as their major
deity, whom they called Inti. They also recognized the moon, stars, planets, rain, and
other natural forces as divine. Some Incas, including the energetic ruler Pachacuti,
also showed special favor to the god Viracocha, creator of the world, humankind,
and all else in the universe. The cult of the sun, however, outshone all the others. In
Cuzco alone some four thousand priests, attendants, and virgin devotees served Inti,
whose temple attracted pilgrims from all parts of the Inca empire. The first Spanish
visitors to Cuzco reported that it took four hundred paces for them to walk around

the temple complex, and they expressed amazement at its lavish decoration, includ-
ing a golden sculpture of the sun encrusted with gems. Particularly astonishing to

the visitors was an imitation garden in which grains of gold represented a field, which
was planted with stalks of maize fabricated from gold and surrounded by twenty
golden llamas with their attendants, also sculpted in gold. Priests of Inti and those serving other cults honored their deities

with sacrifices, which in Inca society usu-
ally took the form of agricultural produce

or animals such as llamas and guinea pigs
rather than humans.

Inhabitants of Oceania did not interact with peoples of different societies as frequently
or systematically as did their counterparts in the eastern hemisphere, but they built
and maintained flourishing societies of their own. The aboriginal peoples of Australia

ventured over vast stretches of their continent and created networks of trade and ex-
change between hunting and gathering societies. Only in the far north, however, did

they deal with peoples beyond Australia as they traded sporadically with merchants

from New Guinea and the islands of southeast Asia. Meanwhile, throughout the Pa-
cific Ocean, islanders built complex agricultural societies. By the time European mari-
ners sailed into the Pacific Ocean in the sixteenth century, the larger island groups

had sizable populations, hierarchical social orders, and hereditary chiefly rulers. In the

central and western Pacific, mariners sailed regularly between island groups and estab-
lished elaborate trade networks. Islanders living toward the eastern and western edges

of the Pacific Ocean also had occasional dealings with American and Asian peoples,
sometimes with significant consequences for the Pacific island societies.

In spite of seasonal migrations, frequent encounters with peoples from other abo-
riginal societies, and trade over long distances, the cultural traditions of Australian peoples

mostly did not diffuse much beyond the regions inhabited by individual societies. Abo-
riginal peoples paid close attention to the prominent geographic features of the lands

around them. Rocks, mountains, forests, mineral deposits, and bodies of water were

crucial for their survival, and they related stories and myths about those and other geo-
graphic features. Often they conducted religious observances designed to ensure con-
tinuing supplies of animals, plant life, and water. Given the intense concern of

aboriginal peoples with their immediate environments, their cultural and religious tra-
ditions focused on local matters and did not appeal to peoples from other regions.

In the central and western regions of the Pacific, where several clusters of islands are
relatively close to one another, mariners linked island societies. Regional trade networks
facilitated exchanges of useful goods such as axes and pottery, exotic items such as shells
and decorative ornaments, and sometimes even foodstuffs such as yams. Regional trade
within individual island groups served social and political as well as economic functions,

since it helped ruling elites establish and maintain harmonious relations with one an-
other. In some cases, trade crossed longer distances and linked different island groups.

Inhabitants of the Tonga, Samoa, and Fiji islands traded mats and canoes, for example,
and also intermarried, thus creating political and social relationships.

While undertaking regular or intermittent voyages over long distances, islanders
throughout the Pacific Ocean also built productive agricultural and fishing societies.
They cultivated taro, yams, sweet potatoes, bananas, breadfruit, and coconuts, and
they kept domesticated pigs and dogs. They also fed on abundant supplies of fish,
which they caught by spear, net, and hook. After about the fourteenth century, as their
population increased, the inhabitants of Hawai`i built ingenious fishponds that allowed
small fry to swim from the ocean through narrow gates into rock-enclosed spaces but
prevented larger fish from escaping. Fishponds enabled Hawaiians to harvest large
quantities of mature fish with relative ease and thus contributed to the islanders' food
supplies. The establishment of agricultural and fishing societies led to rapid population

growth in all the larger Pacific island groups—Samoa, Tonga, the Society Islands (in-
cluding Tahiti), and Hawai`i. In Hawai`i, the most heavily populated of the Polynesian

island groups, the human population may have exceeded five hundred thousand when
European mariners arrived in the late eighteenth century.

Indeed, beginning about the thirteenth century, expanding populations prompted
residents of many Pacific islands to develop increasingly complex social and political
structures. Especially on the larger islands, workers became more specialized: some
concentrated on cultivating certain crops, and others devoted their efforts to fishing,
producing axes, or constructing large, seagoing canoes. Distinct classes emerged as
aristocratic and ruling elites decided the course of public affairs in their societies and
extracted surplus agricultural production from those of common birth. The islands of
Tonga, Tahiti, and Hawai`i had especially stratified societies with sharp distinctions
between various classes of high chiefs, lesser chiefs, and commoners. Hawaiian society
also recognized distinct classes of priests and skilled artisans, such as adze makers and
canoe builders, ranking between the chiefly and common classes.

One of the great world travelers of all time was the Moroccan legal scholar Ibn Battuta. Born in 1304 at Tangier, Ibn Battuta followed family tradition and studied Islamic law. In 1325 he left Morocco, perhaps for the first time, to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. He traveled by caravan across north Africa and through Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, arriving at Mecca in 1326. After completing his hajj, Ibn Battuta did not head for home but spent a year visiting Mesopotamia and Persia, then traveled by ship through the Red Sea and down the east African coast as far south as Kilwa. By 1330 he had returned to Mecca, but he did not stay there long. When he learned that the sultan of Delhi offered handsome rewards to foreign legal scholars, he set off for India. Instead of traveling there directly by sailing across the Arabian Sea, however, he followed a long and circuitous land route that took him through Egypt, Syria, Anatolia, Constantinople, the Black Sea, and the great trading cities of central Asia, Bokhara and Samarkand. Only in 1333 did he arrive in Delhi, from the north.

For the next eight years, Ibn Battuta remained in India, serving mostly as a qadi (judge) in the government of Muhammad ibn Tughluq, the sultan of Delhi. In 1341 Muhammad appointed him to head an enormous embassy to China, but a violent storm destroyed the party's ships as they prepared to depart Calicut for the sea voyage to China. All personal goods and diplomatic presents sank with the ships, and many of the passengers drowned. (Ibn Battuta survived because he was on shore attending Friday prayers at the mosque when the storm struck.) For the next several years, Ibn Battuta made his way around southern India, Ceylon, and the Maldive Islands, where he served as a qadi for the recently founded Islamic sultanate, before continuing to China on his own about 1345. He visited the bustling southern Chinese port cities of Quanzhou and Guangzhou, where he found large communities of Muslim merchants, before returning to Morocco in 1349 by way of southern India, the Persian Gulf, Syria, Egypt, and Mecca.

Between 1000 and 1500 c.e., the peoples of the eastern hemisphere traveled, traded, communicated, and interacted more regularly and intensively than ever before. The large empires of the Mongols and other nomadic peoples provided a political foundation for this cross-cultural interaction. When they conquered and pacified vast regions, nomadic peoples provided safe roads for merchants, diplomats, missionaries, and other travelers. Quite apart from the nomadic empires, improvements in maritime technology led to increased traffic in the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. As a result, long-distance travel became much more common than in earlier eras, and individual travelers such as Ibn Battuta and Marco Polo sometimes ventured throughout much of the eastern hemisphere.

Merchants engaged in long-distance trade relied on two principal networks of trade routes. Luxury goods of high value relative to their weight, such as silk textiles and precious stones, often traveled overland on the silk roads used since classical times. Bulkier commodities, such as steel, stone, coral, and building materials, traveled the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean, since it would have been unprofitable to transport them overland. The silk roads linked all of the Eurasian landmass, and trans-Saharan caravan routes drew west Africa into the larger economy of the eastern hemisphere. The sea lanes of the Indian Ocean served ports in southeast Asia, India, Arabia, and east Africa while also offering access via the South China Sea to ports in China, Japan, Korea, and the spice-bearing islands of southeast Asia. Thus, in combination, land and sea routes touched almost every corner of the eastern hemisphere.

As the volume of trade increased, the major trading cities and ports grew rapidly, attracting buyers, sellers, brokers, and bankers from parts near and far. Khanbaliq (modern Beijing), Hangzhou, Quanzhou, Melaka, Cambay, Samarkand, Hormuz, Baghdad, Caffa, Cairo, Alexandria, Kilwa, Constantinople, Venice, Timbuktu, and many other cities had large quarters occupied by communities of foreign merchants. When a trading or port city enjoyed a strategic location, maintained good order, and resisted the temptation to levy excessive customs fees, it had the potential to become a major emporium serving long-distance trade networks. A case in point is Melaka (in modern Malaysia). Founded in the 1390s, within a few decades Melaka became the principal clearinghouse of trade in the eastern Indian Ocean. The city's authorities policed the strategic Strait of Melaka and maintained a safe market that welcomed all merchants and levied reasonable fees on goods exchanged there. By the end of the fifteenth century, Melaka had a population of some fifty thousand people, and in the early sixteenth century the Portuguese merchant Tomé Pires reported that more than eighty languages could be heard in the city's streets.

The best-known long-distance traveler of Mongol times was the Venetian Marco Polo (1253-1324). Marco's father, Niccolò, and uncle Maffeo were among the first European merchants to visit China. Between 1260 and 1269 they traveled and traded throughout Mongol lands, and they met Khubilai Khan as he was consolidating his hold on China. When they returned to China in 1271, seventeen-year-old Marco Polo accompanied them. The great khan took a special liking to Marco, who was a marvelous conversationalist and storyteller. Khubilai allowed Marco to pursue his mercantile interests in China and also sent him on numerous diplomatic missions, partly because Marco regaled him with stories about the distant parts of his realm. After seventeen years in China, the Polos decided to return to Venice, and Khubilai granted them permission to leave. They went back on the sea route by way of Sumatra, Ceylon, India, and Arabia, arriving in Venice in 1295.

In spite of occasional exaggerations and tall tales, Marco's stories deeply influenced European readers. Marco always mentioned the textiles, spices, gems, and other goods he observed during his travels, and European merchants took note, eager to participate in the lucrative trade networks of Eurasia. The Polos were among the first Europeans to visit China, but they were not the last. In their wake came hundreds of others, mostly Italians. In most cases, their stories do not survive, but their travels helped to increase European participation in the larger economy of the eastern hemisphere.

Most active of the Roman Catholic missionaries in China was John of Montecorvino, an Italian Franciscan who went to China in 1291, became the first archbishop of Khanbaliq in 1307, and died there in 1328. While serving the community of Roman Catholic expatriates in China, John worked energetically to establish Christianity in the host society. He translated the New Testament and the book of Psalms into Turkish, a language commonly used at the Mongol court, and he built several churches in China. He took in young boys from Mongol and Chinese families, baptized them, and taught them Latin and Roman Catholic rituals. He claimed to have baptized six thousand individuals by 1305, and he invited the great khan himself to convert to Christianity. Although popular and widely respected among Europeans, Chinese, and Mongols alike, John attracted few Asian peoples to Christianity.

Roman Catholic authorities in Europe dispatched many other priests and missionaries to China during the early fourteenth century, but like John of Montecorvino, they won few converts. Missions successfully established Christian communities in Scan dinavia, eastern Europe, Spain, and the Mediterranean islands that European armies recaptured from Muslims during the centuries after 1000 c.e., but east Asia was too distant for the resources available to the Roman Catholic church. Moreover, east Asian peoples already possessed sophisticated religious and cultural traditions, so Christianity had little appeal. Nevertheless, Christian missions to China continued until the mid-fourteenth century, when the collapse of the Mongols' Yuan dynasty and the eruption of epidemic disease temporarily disrupted long-distance travel across Eurasia.

Long-distance travel of all kinds, whether for commercial, political, diplomatic, or missionary purposes, encouraged cultural exchanges between peoples of different societies. Songs, stories, religious ideas, philosophical views, and scientific knowledge all passed readily among travelers who ventured into the larger world during the era from 1000 to 1500 c.e. The troubadours of western Europe, for example, drew on the poetry, music, and love songs of Muslim performers when developing the literature of courtly love. Similarly, European scientists avidly consulted their Muslim and Jewish counterparts in Sicily and Spain to learn about their understanding of the natural world.

During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Italian administrative methods made their way beyond the Alps. Partly because of the enormous expenses they incurred during the Hundred Years' War, the kings of France and England began to levy direct taxes and assemble powerful armies. The French kings taxed sales, hearths, and salt; their English counterparts instituted annual taxes on hearths, individuals, and plow teams. Rulers in both lands asserted the authority of the central government over the nobility. The English kings did not establish a standing army, but they were able to raise powerful forces when rebellion threatened public order. In France, however, King Louis XI (reigned 1461-1483) maintained a permanent army of about fifteen thousand troops, many of them professional mercenary soldiers equipped with firearms. Because the high expense of maintaining such forces was beyond the means of the nobility, Louis and his successors enjoyed a decisive edge over ambitious subordinates seeking to challenge royal authority or build local power bases.

State building took place in Russia as well as in western Europe. After the fourteenth century, as Mongol power waned, Russian princes sought to expand their territories. Most successful of them were the grand princes of Moscow. As early as the mid-fourteenth century, the princes began the process of "gathering the Russian land" by acquiring territories surrounding their strategically located commercial town of Moscow on the Volga River. In 1480 Grand Prince Ivan III (reigned 1462-1505), later known as Ivan the Great, stopped paying tribute to the Mongol khan. By refusing to acknowledge the khan's supremacy, Ivan in effect declared Russian independence from Mongol rule. He then made Moscow the center of a large and powerful state. His territorial annexations were impressive: Muscovy, the principality ruled from Moscow, almost tripled in size as he brought Russian-speaking peoples into his realm. The most important addition to his possessions came with the acquisition of the prosperous trading city of Novgorod. A hub of the lucrative fur trade and a member of the Hanseatic League of Baltic commercial cities, Novgorod was an autonomous city-state that governed its affairs through a town council. The city's merchants had strong ties to Poland and Lithuania to the west, and Ivan wanted to make sure that Novgorod's prosperity did not benefit neighboring states. Thus he demanded that the city acknowledge his authority. After crushing a futile uprising organized by Novgorod's merchants, he ended the city's independence in 1478 and absorbed it into the expansive Muscovite state. With the aid of Novgorod's wealth, Ivan was then able to build a strong centralized government modeled on the Byzantine empire. Indeed, Ivan went so far as to call himself tsar (sometimes spelled czar)—a Russianized form of the term caesar, which Byzantine rulers had borrowed from the classical Roman empire to signify their imperial status.

On the first three voyages, Zheng He took his fleet to southeast Asia, India, and Ceylon. The fourth expedition went to the Persian Gulf and Arabia, and later expeditions ventured down the east African coast, calling at ports as far south as Malindi in modern Kenya. Throughout his travels, Zheng He liberally dispensed gifts of Chinese silk, porcelain, and other goods. In return he received rich and unusual presents from his hosts, including African zebras and giraffes, which ended their days in the Ming imperial zoo. Zheng He and his companions paid respect to the local deities and customs they encountered, and in Ceylon they erected a monument honoring Buddha, Allah, and Vishnu.

Following the capture of Ceuta, Henrique encouraged Portuguese mariners to venture into the Atlantic. During their voyages they discovered the Madeiras and Azores Islands, all uninhabited, which they soon colonized. They also made an unsuccessful effort to occupy the Canary Islands, inhabited by indigenous peoples but claimed since the early fifteenth century by the kingdom of Castile. Later discoveries included the Cape Verde islands, Fernando Po, São Tomé, and Principe off the west African coast. Because these Atlantic islands enjoyed fertile soils and a Mediterranean climate, Portuguese entrepreneurs soon began to cultivate sugarcane there, often in collaboration with Italian investors. Italians had financed sugar plantations in the Mediterranean islands since the twelfth century, and their commercial networks provided a ready means to distribute sugar to Europeans, who were rapidly developing a taste for sweets.

During the middle decades of the fifteenth century, a series of Portuguese fleets also explored the west African coast, each expedition proceeding a bit farther than its predecessor. Originally, the Portuguese traded guns, textiles, and other manufactured items for African gold and slaves. Portuguese traders took full advantage of the long-established African commerce in slaves, but they also changed the nature of the slave trade by dramatically increasing its volume and by sending slaves to new destinations. By the mid-fifteenth century, the Portuguese dispatched thousands of slaves annually from their forts on islands off the African coast. They delivered most of their human cargo to recently founded plantations in the Atlantic islands, where the slaves worked as laborers, although some worked as domestic servants in Europe. The use of African slaves to perform heavy labor on commercial plantations soon became common practice, and it fueled the development of a huge, Atlantic-wide trade that delivered as many as twelve million enslaved Africans to destinations in North America, South America, and the Caribbean region.

During the following century, Portuguese merchants and mariners dominated trade between Europe and Asia. Indeed, they attempted to control all shipping in the Indian Ocean. Their ships, armed with cannons, were able to overpower the vessels of Arabs, Persians, Indians, southeast Asians, and others who sailed the Indian Ocean. They did not have enough ships to police the entire Indian Ocean, however, so most merchants easily evaded their efforts to control the region's commerce. Nevertheless, the entry of Portuguese mariners into the Indian Ocean signaled the beginning of European imperialism in Asia.

While Portuguese seafarers sought a sea route around Africa to India, the Genoese mariner Cristoforo Colombo, known in English as Christopher Columbus, conceived the idea of sailing west to reach Asian markets. Because geographers in the eastern hemisphere knew nothing of the Americas, Columbus's notion made a certain amount of good sense, although many doubted that his plan could lead to profitable trade because of the long distances involved. After the king of Portugal declined to sponsor an expedition to test Columbus's plan, the Catholic Kings, Fernando and Isabel of Spain, agreed to underwrite a voyage. In 1492 Columbus set sail. After a stop in the Canary Islands to take on supplies and make repairs, his fleet of three ships crossed the Atlantic Ocean, reaching land at San Salvador (Watling Island) in the Bahamas.

As European mariners ventured into the Indian and Atlantic Ocean basins, they unwittingly inaugurated a new era in world history. For millennia, peoples of different societies had traded, communicated, and interacted. As technologies of transportation improved, they dealt with peoples at increasingly greater distances. By 1500 the Indian Ocean served as a highway linking peoples from China to east Africa, and overland traffic kept the silk roads busy from China to the Mediterranean Sea. Trade goods, diplomatic missions, religious faiths, technological skills, agricultural crops, and disease pathogens all moved readily over the sea lanes and the silk roads, and they profoundly influenced the development of societies throughout the eastern hemisphere. In the western hemisphere, trading networks linked lands as distant as Mexico and the Great Lakes region, while Pacific islanders regularly traveled and traded between island groups.

Which of the following contributed to the Sufis success in spreading Islam to common people quizlet?

Which of the following contributed to the Sufis' success in spreading Islam to common people? The Seljuk Turks' migration into the Islamic heartland contributed to the continued dominance of Shiite rule.

Which of the following is a reason for the success of Islamic trading firms in the Mediterranean?

Which of the following is a reason for the success of Islamic trading firms in the Mediterranean? Answers: They benefitted from favored trading status with the Holy Roman Empire. They established a commercial law apart from religion so that all people could participate in trade.

What did the Spanish use as a model for obtaining Amerindian labor for colonial mines quizlet?

Encomienda was a labor system used to reward Spanish colonists who worked for the Spanish through allowing them to use natives for labor. Under this system, natives of American colonies labored in mines, fields, or ranches for Spanish Landlords, who promised Spanish leaders they would care for and respect the workers.

What was the major reason why European states wanted to prevent the New World colonies from trading with other states?

What was the major reason that European states wanted to prevent their New World colonies from trading with other states? They wanted to prevent the spread of wealth to states other than their own.